- Honk if you love Trump!
- Honk if you're a Republican!
- Honk if you love Jesus!
- Honk if you think anti-zionism is anti-semitism!
- Honk if you think vaccines cause autism!
unspeakable (as heck)
Monday, March 30, 2026
What the Honk
Thursday, March 26, 2026
AI Yi Yi
The firm I work for has been aggressively pushing employees to find ways to use generative AI -- particularly OpenAI's Chat GPT, Anthropic's Claude and GitHub's Copilot-- as much as possible in their work. When you buy a hammer, it's usually because you have something you want to nail. With AI, it's as if the hammer purchaser now insists that everyone in the household find ways to incorporate the hammer into their daily tasks. How can a hammer help you wash those dishes? Could anything be nailed or clawed when you walk the dog? The message from the Executive suite has been so consistently insistent that it seems there is a decided effort amongst them to pretend that an employee's natural curiosity to know "WHY" one' s work habits must be re-designed by one to accommodate what should be a tool doesn't exist. I figured i was never going to get an answer from any of the geniuses upstairs, so I asked AI itself: Why are companies "expecting" employees to use AI without explaining why?
Companies are pushing AI adoption without clear, detailed explanations because they are operating under intense competitive pressure to achieve rapid efficiency gains, often driven by a "fear of missing out" (FOMO) and the need to justify heavy investment costs. While many leaders view this transition as an inevitable "partner" to employees, the rush to implement tools like ChatGPT and GitHub Copilot often results in top-down mandates that lack necessary training or a clear "why" for daily operations.
Here is a breakdown of why companies are acting this way:
1. Competitive Pressure and FOMO
• The Hype Cycle: Management is bombarded with information that AI is a "game-changer," leading them to implement it quickly to avoid appearing obsolete, often without fully understanding the practical applications themselves.
• Competitor Fear: Companies fear that if their competitors adopt AI faster, they will lose market leadership and revenue.
• Investor Pressure: Companies are investing heavily in AI and must prove to shareholders that these investments are being used, prompting them to mandate usage to drive up adoption metrics.
2. "Performative" or Rushed Adoption
• Mistaking Efficiency for Productivity: Many organizations equate AI "usage" with "productivity," wrongly assuming that simply using the tool equals better results.
• The Sunk-Cost Fallacy: Having spent massive amounts on AI licenses, leaders feel compelled to force staff to use them, regardless of whether they add immediate value, hoping the technology will improve over time.
3. Misguided Focus on Cost Reduction
• Cover for Cost-Cutting: Some companies are using AI as a strategic justification for layoffs or to avoid hiring, replacing human headcount with automation.
• Overestimating Current Capability: Leaders often rely on hype and assume AI can do more than it actually can, leading to scenarios where staff are forced to use tools that are not yet effective for their specific roles.
4. A Disconnect Between Leadership and Staff
• The "Training Gap": A recent AWS report noted that 56% of organizations have AI plans, but only 31% of workers feel their employer provides training, demonstrating a major gap in preparing staff for the shift.
• Lack of Understanding: Executives often lack awareness of the practical, day-to-day training needs of their employees, leading to a "tool push" rather than a true adoption strategy.
5. Hope for Self-Directed Learning
• Assuming Organic Adoption: Many leaders mistakenly assume that because AI tools are "easy" to use, employees will figure them out on their own, not realizing that proper implementation requires new workflows and training.
Disclaimer: Some companies are now moving from encouragement to mandating AI, with firms like Coinbase taking disciplinary action against employees who fail to adopt AI, which has increased employee anxiety and resistance.
I couldn't have said it better myself. I was inspired to see what AI had to say on the topic by a recent video from Senator Bernie Sanders in which he chats with Anthropic's Claude AI model about the implications and portents of the explosion of AI for workers and for humanity. The atmospheric setting for the video is evocative of stark sci-fi horror and appropriately so: Claude's candor about the threat it poses is at times chilling. It's also a bit fictional.*
While watching Naomi Klein in conversation with author Karen Hao at British Columbia's Chan Center for the Performing Arts about Hao's sensational 2025 investigation Empire of AI (in an extremely worthwhile hour and a half that I cannot recommend highly enough), I was inspired again by Bernie's AI Chat to ask Google the following:
How is it ethical to use generative AI given its profoundly deleterious environmental effects, its unacknowledged exploitation of people, the way it is hyped as being something it is not, and the race that some of the worst actors in commerce are engaged in to win the AGI race?
The results were led off with an AI summary of the response:
AI Overview
Using generative AI ethically is challenging due to high energy/water consumption, exploitation of training data and human labor, potential for misinformation, and the competitive "AGI race" prioritizing profit over safety. Ethical use requires high transparency, opting for models trained with consent, and strict limits on usage, according to perspectives from Medium, TechTarget, and Earth.Org.
Environmental Impact: Training and operating AI models require massive energy and water for cooling, often straining local resources and increasing carbon emissions.
Exploitation of Labor/Data: AI systems are often trained on massive amounts of data scraped without consent, including copyrighted creative works. Additionally, they rely on "invisible labor" from low-wage workers, often in the Global South, for labeling and moderation.
Misinformation and Hype: Generative AI is frequently marketed as more autonomous or intelligent than it is, leading to inaccuracies (hallucinations) and a lack of accountability.
The AGI Race: The commercial race to achieve Artificial General Intelligence (AGI) causes companies to prioritize speed over safety, ignoring potential harms.
Strict Use Cases: Only using AI as a tool for support, not to replace human judgment, creative work, or to generate misinformation.
Transparency and Consent: Selecting models that offer transparency about their training data and ensure fair compensation for creators.
Data Security: Ensuring no confidential or personal information is entered into public AI tools to prevent exploitation of user data.
Regulation: Urging for, and abiding by, new legal frameworks that require accountability, accountability for environmental impact, and protection for labor.
Some argue that because of the foundational issues with how these models are developed, truly "ethical AI" does not currently exist, as noted in a WIRED article and a blog post by Matthew Cheney.
%%%%%
Should we trust AI's (copped) opinion on the question? Either AI is wrong here-- in which case it proves the point that AI cannot be used in any way that requires trust in its output-- or it's not. And if it is right in spite of itself, the ethical use of AI is questionable for the very reasons it states.
~~~~~
*Ed Zitron's skepticism of AI's prospects as game changer are based on the state of its actual business versus the hype of its claims.
Sunday, March 22, 2026
Wallace for President
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| Henry Agard Wallace |
When it comes to political celebrities, they don't make them like they used to. Reading Clay Risen's Red Scare, I was introduced to a figure from the 1948 US Presidential election, FDR's second vice president (serving in this third term from 1941 - 1945), Henry Agard Wallace. FDR chose Wallace after a falling out with the VP of his first two terms, conservative Texan John Nance Garner. From Risen's chapter on him, Wallace was "a curious cornstalk of a man from Iowa.":
He was born on a farm in 1888, the son of Henry C. Wallace, the U.S. secretary of agriculture for much of the 1920s. Young Henry was a wizard of the land and all its bounty. He studied agriculture at Iowa State University, then went to work for his family’s publication, Wallaces’ Farmer. He became known around the Midwest for his uncanny ability to meld science and economics, business and old-school farming smarts into new insights that helped him grow wealthy—as it did many of his readers, who followed his prescriptions religiously. On the side he founded a seed business, the Hi-Bred Corn Company, producing highly efficient hybrid crops. He held on to it through his decades in politics; at the end of his life, in 1965, it was estimated to be worth tens of millions of dollars.
“You feel that he would not tell you the time of day without first searching his soul to see if it agreed with the clock,” read a profile in The New York Times.”
I was not aware of Wallace's challenge to Harry Truman, who as FDR's 3rd Vice President had succeeded Roosevelt when he died in office barely 3 months into his fourth term and was now, having terminated the second World War by dropping the atomic bomb on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, seeking re-election. Following the defeat of Germany with the close collaboration of Stalin, the winds of favor toward communism and the Soviet Union in the United States government had shifted dramatically, and the haberdasher from Missouri, Truman had been just the man to ride the current. Keeping ahead of the anti-Red sentiment that was winning elections for Republicans, Truman initiated a Loyalty Oath and background checks for over 2 million government employees-- mandating the termination (and often ruining the careers) of employees refusing the oath or found to have had communist affiliations and influences in their histories.
In Congress, the House Committee on Un-American Activities (popularly known as the House Un-American Activities Committee or HUAC) became a permanent committee under Democratic leadership. It had been around in one form or another since 1918 when it was formed as a bulwark against subversive European ideas such as particularly, Marxism and anarchy and revived for periodic "witch hunts" to out sympathizers and spies with the anathema ideologies and agendas of the day including, perennially, communism and at the approach of World War II, Nazism. At the conclusion of the war with Hitler defeated, the emphasis returned to heresies of the left. (A proposal in 1946 to investigate the Ku Klux Klan as Un-American was dismissed with committee Member John Rankin of Mississippi saying, "After all, the KKK is an American Institution.") Un-American came to mean strictly affiliation past or present with the Communist Party and Pro-Soviet sympathies in particular.
To Henry Wallace (whom FDR had appointed to the anodyne position of Secretary of Commerce when he demoted him as VP in an effort to broaden his appeal beyond the New Deal coalition with the more middle of the road Truman as his 1944 running mate, and continued to serve in Commerce after Roosevelt's death until September 1946 when he was fired by Truman over disagreements about policy toward the USSR), this burgeoning cold war attitude taking shape among the establishment of both parties was a mistake:
Declaring himself “neither anti-Russian nor pro-Russian,” [Wallace] said that a “get tough with Russia” policy would fail. The only solution, he said, was to cede global security to the United Nations, including the network of U.S. and British air bases strung across the world—in essence, disarmament. “Under friendly, peaceful competition the Russian world and the American world will gradually become more alike,” he said from the podium.
On his dismissal from Truman's cabinet, Wallace founded the Progressive Citizens of America (PCA) an organization devoted to promoting a foreign policy that maintained relations with the Soviet Union as well as a domestic policy broadening the social programs of the New Deal. He immediately entertained an ambition to challenge Truman for the Democratic nomination largely on the basis of providing a countermeasure to Truman's growing antagonism to the Soviet Union and to members of the American communist party. Rejecting the belligerence of the Democratic party leadership toward Russia, Wallace, speaking in front of a crowd at Madison Square Garden, declared that Congress "is asked to rush through a momentous decision as if great armies were already on the march. I hear no armies marching. I hear a world crying out for peace.”
Per Wikipedia:
Wallace's supporters held a national convention in Philadelphia in July, formally establishing a new Progressive Party. The party platform addressed a wide array of issues, and included support for the desegregation of public schools, gender equality, a national health insurance program, free trade, and public ownership of large banks, railroads, and power utilities. The party was described as "progressively capitalist".
Wallace's campaign received the endorsement of future Democratic Presidential nominee George McGovern of South Dakota, entertainers Pete Seeger and Paul Robeson and even movie star Ava Gardner. American Communists, too, were a natural constituency for the party, and while the Communist Party did not openly endorse Wallace, the PCA became a harbor for its members and for progressive minded Democrats many of whom voted with their feet to express their disapproval of the Democrats' growing antagonism to Russia and to the socialist ideals of American leftists. Wallace called his supporters "Gideon's Army" evoking the Old Testament story of the prophet who turned Israelites away from the idolatry they had fallen into and subsequently led a troop of 300 to victory over the vast Army of the Midianites.
Again Wikipedia describes the flavor of Wallace's iconoclasm:
Wallace embarked on a nationwide speaking tour to support his candidacy, encountering resistance in both the North and South. He openly defied the Jim Crow regime in the South, refusing to speak before segregated audiences. Time magazine, which opposed Wallace's candidacy, described him as "ostentatiously" riding through the towns and cities of the segregated South "with his Negro secretary beside him".
The response of mainstream Democrats to the possibility of excitement that Wallace's campaign might arouse among the rank and file was the creation of a counter organization, Americans for Democratic Action, nominally in favor of the expansion of New Deal benefits and social programs but primarily supportive of Truman's anti-communist foreign and domestic policy measures. Even labor in the person of Walter Reuther of the UAW was loath to side with the candidate supported by Communists. The hysteria being raised by both parties and the media-- as well as a well timed exposure by a Republican leaning newspaper of embarrassing private correspondence between Wallace and Nicholas Roerich, a Russian émigré and spiritual leader of the controversial Theosophy movement from Wallace's time as Secretary of Agriculture in Roosevelt's first 2 terms-- undermined the momentum of his campaign. The prevalence of Communists among his supporters became as even Wallace came to concede, "a liability."
From Risen's Red Scare:
In September 1948 Leon Henderson, the [PSA] chairman, warned Truman that his campaign against Wallace was creating a hysterical anti-Communist atmosphere that would last long after the election was over. Worse, he feared that Truman’s loyalty program was being used to political ends, cracking down on innocent people as a way of demonstrating the administration’s anti-Communist bona fides. “We urge you meanwhile to make clear to administration officials that political considerations must have no part in the grave business of determining a man’s ‘loyalty to his country,’ ” Henderson wrote.
In the final analysis, the PSA was barely a spoiler on election day. In only 2 states that went for the expected winner Republican Thomas Dewey, the governor of New York, did Wallace's performance come within the margin between Dewey and Truman. Truman won the popular vote, beating Dewey 49.55% to 45.07%, as well as the electoral vote (301 to 189). Wallace with only 0.29% of the vote was shut out from electoral votes and came in 4th behind Segregationist Strom Thurmond of the Dixiecrat Party with 2.37% of the popular vote and 39 electoral votes.
Truman with a stronger anti-Communist message than Dewey carried the day. Furthermore, as Risen notes:
Over the coming years, a person’s support for Wallace in 1948, let alone membership in the PCA, would become a mark of suspicion for anti-Communists. The Pittsburgh Press, a conservative afternoon daily, printed the names of local signatories to a Wallace petition—a list that would pop up in the files of many red hunters.
Wallace himself continued in politics only briefly after his defeat. In the anti-red atmosphere, he continued to face accusations of softness on communism, and was called to face accusations that he had encouraged Chiang Kai-Shek in 1944 to form a coalition with Mao Tse-Tung's communist party. He ultimately repudiated his pro-Soviet politics calling the Soviet Union in a 1952 article "utterly evil." He refused to endorse any democratic candidates until Lyndon Johnson's 1964 campaign against Barry Goldwater, although he disapproved of Johnson's Vietnam policy. Of Cuba, he said, "We lost Cuba in 1959 not only because of Castro but also because we failed to understand the needs of the farmer in the back country of Cuba from 1920 onward. ... The common man is on the march, but it is up to the uncommon men of education and insight to lead that march constructively".
Wallace died in 1965 after a furious battle with Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis, aka Lou Gehrig disease, which also afflicted Stephen Hawking.
Returning to 1948, Risen concluded:
Truman understood that, like it or not, the United States had no choice but to fulfill its new role in the world, to go once more into the breach. But in doing so, in steeling the country to stand up to the Soviet challenge, he chose not to dispel the accompanying fear—and, during his 1948 run for the presidency, he did much to exacerbate it. Alone, Truman’s attacks on Wallace did not cause the Red Scare. But by lending it a bipartisan cover, he made it easier for tens of millions of Americans to join the hysteria.
Friday, March 13, 2026
It Comes Around
Friday, February 27, 2026
Adventures in Maleness
In contrast, here's Shy Girl by Haute & Freddy:
Sunday, February 22, 2026
Emphasis on Repair
"We as Africans are creditors, not debtors. Our energies fuelled the Industrial Revolution" - Jesse Jackson
Sasha Abramsky's American Carnage (whose title turns the phrase from Trump's first inauguration speech back on the fascist criminal himself) tells the story of several highly trained and experienced but recently hired or promoted government employees whose probationary employment status made them vulnerable in the early months of 2025 to the illegal decimation of the Federal government's workforce by the Administration's agents of chaos DOGE in the early days of Trump 2.0 following the playbook of Project 2025. Abramsky also reminds us of the obsession of Trump, his enablers and staff and the sympathetic punditry that lubricated America's nethers for another round of MAGA with Wokism, CRT, DEI (on which Trump was quick to gratuitously blame the crash of an army helicopter and a commercial air liner over the Potomac in the early days of the admin-- a harbinger of the rough days to come) and in particular the galling advancement of black women. One of DOGE's casualties featured by Abramsky was Adrian M, a career public health worker who had only recently gotten her dream job with the CDC when she was summarily fired with a canned, baseless probably AI generated letter informing her she was a poor fit for her position.
“I’m being called a poor performer, and my knowledge and skills don’t meet the needs of the agency,” she said, incredulously. “My knowledge and skills came from the agency. I wouldn’t have had my job if my skills weren’t good.”
The idea that she, as a Black woman from the South, had somehow had it easy in life because of her skin color made her laugh, it was so absurd.
The contemporary normalization of the Trump orbit's thinly veiled racism attempting to masquerade as an issue of free-speech and reverse civil rights for the white and privileged is case in point that 160 years after the abolition of slavery, white America has never recovered from its lost prerogative to own an African and still has it in for black people. To a great extent, the denial of universal healthcare, the stinginess of public spending on childcare, education and home ownership and hostility to a well compensated federal workforce-- deficiencies that hurt everyone-- have their root in America's pathology against black well-being.
All of the above redounds to the thesis of Dorothy Brown's recent book, Getting to Reparations, that America has yet to pay not only for the crime against humanity of its recalcitrant reluctance to break its habit of slavery only after Civil War in 1865, but for its continued punishment of descendants of slaves and others Americans of African descent for the crime of being black-- from post Reconstruction era Jim Crow to enshrined and hallowed practices of financial redlining to keep black people out of white neighborhoods and schools, down to our own era of rescinding of voting and other civil rights, gerrymandering, mass incarceration and police brutality. Brown knows what she's talking about. Her previous book, The Whiteness of Wealth exposed ways in which our taxation laws have been designed to keep black people poor without a single mention of race in the code. Brown advocates for reparations as partly some form of financial compensation to individuals (amounts, population and logistics to be determined by a healthily diverse, deeply informed and soul searching council of citizens) and most importantly by investment in black neighborhoods, schools, communities and businesses.
Before I read Brown's Getting to Reparations, I was undecided on the basis of what I knew I didn't know. Brown, whose book provides a test case for persuasion, describes late in the book an exercise she uses in workshops on reparation, in which the participant, before hearing the arguments assesses their own feelings about whether reparations should be paid on a scale of 0 for complete agreement to 10 for absolute disagreement, with the same exercise repeated for a post-assessment. I would say that having once been a 6 (based partly on the class-based reasoning of Adolph Reed as well as a pessimistic assessment of the feasibility of reparations by Matt Bruenig), I was talked down to a 3 by Marianne Williamson's impassioned case for making reparations a large part of her policy platform in 2020 and 2024. But even before learning of Brown's self-assessment scale, half-way through her introduction to Getting to Reparations, I was converted to a 0. I only needed to hear Brown's argument that the debt that America owes blacks has only deepened since 1865, and that reparations have been paid by the United States many times over to several groups, among them the families of Japanese internees in World War II, the Italian American victims of anti-Sicilian lynchings in Louisiana in the early part of the 20th century, and to some extent (and naturally sparingly and with great reluctance) to First Nations tribes. The clincher was learning that while Andrew Johnson saw to it that the floated promise of 40 acres and a mule to former slaves was broken before a single person was recompensed, the government paid reparations of up to $300 per lost slave to slave holders.
This was more than enough information to convince me that there was something pathological about America's unfinished business of repairing the harm of slavery and its lingering legacy to black people. Moreover, Brown reminds us that black people are not the only ones broken by this unpaid debt. My family on both sides came to America only after slavery was abolished, and yet to a person we have undoubtedly benefited from our whiteness. I have relatives whose first generation racism contributed to the post-slavery carnage of black Americans by whom they were able to parlay their whiteness into a comfortable life of privilege. But even my own bleeding heart immediate family has received advantages from the color of our skin through no particular effort of our own. I don't live in fear of me or anyone in my family being murdered by the police for driving while European. I have the luxury of ignoring my complexion when I walk through a new neighborhood or enter a store or apply for a college education or a job or a loan. (Affirmative action as Brown points out has never been for blacks only and in fact has demonstrably benefited white women the most.) These are the privileges of whiteness I'm aware of, but it stands to reason there are many more that I'm not.
The point is not that whiteness is a crime, but rather that American society in particular by the entrenchment of this difference in the way whites and blacks experience their lives is an indication that something is broken. The resentment that so many whites of the legacy slave-deprived class feel toward blacks stems to a great extent from this brokenness itself. Brown makes an excellent case that repairing the festering wound of white privilege by finally compensating blacks for the harms of slavery and post abolition racist policies will be a balm for the all too common proclivity of some (such as our current racist in chief) to evade the issue of this unfinished business by redirecting the butt hurt of their unacknowledged debt into anti-wokeness, anti-DEI and the suppression of Critical Race Theory as a way of avoidance of ownership of the melanin tax on their black brothers and sisters.
It's time, America. It's time.*
~~~~~~
* Some may object that white families have experienced cycles of poverty as well. Shouldn't they too get reparations from those who have benefited from their misery? Very probably, Brown says, and that is a topic for another discussion.
Monday, February 16, 2026
Blood from a Turnip
You now know everything there is to know about the disappearance of Savannah Guthrie's mother from her Tuscon Arizona home between 9:48 PM Saturday January 31 and 11:00 am Sunday morning February 1. So why has CNN for the past two weeks done nothing but report on Savannah Guthrie's mother's disappearance?* What have they reported on and what have we learned? Let's focus for a minute on Jake Tapper, the nasal voiced totem of CNN's particular brand of late neoliberal capitalist mediocrity whom CNN sent to Tucson for breathless on-the-scene milking of the fibers of a story that has refused to develop.
I asked Google and got this list of professional experts and a few individuals whose proximity to the events plausibly conferred witness status (for the purposes of filling airtime) that Tapper has questioned:
- Jeff Lamie: A neighbor of the Guthrie family, who discussed the neighborhood's reaction and provided observations on the case.
- Shari Botwin (LCSW): A trauma expert and licensed social worker, discussing the emotional toll on the family and the significance of finding potential clues after 10 days.
- Bryanna Fox: A former FBI agent, who analyzed the challenges of verifying potential ransom notes.
- Nick Barreiro: A forensic analyst who examined new surveillance footage from the home.
- Richard Kolko: A former FBI special agent and crisis negotiator, who discussed the, at times, unverified messages sent to local media.
- On the Evidence: Tapper reported on the "chilling" doorbell camera footage showing a masked, armed person at the front door and the discovery of blood on the porch.
- On the Investigation: He has questioned the validity of tips and reported on the massive number of leads (over 30,000) being investigated.
- On the "Influencers": Tapper has delivered sharp criticism of social media influencers and individuals spreading unverified, false, or "nonsense" information about the case.
- On the Search: He highlighted the, at times, difficult, 24/7 search by the FBI and local authorities, including the searching of desert terrain and the examination of DNA.
- No Clear Suspect Initially: For nearly two weeks, there were no named suspects or persons of interest, although a man in a mask, seen on camera, was identified as a key suspect.
- Evidence and Clues: The investigation centered on a masked person at the home, a missing camera, and blood found on the property. A "significant" DNA breakthrough was later reported, with investigators finding DNA that did not belong to anyone in close contact with Guthrie.
- Suspect Description: The FBI described the suspect as a male, 5'9" to 5'10", wearing a black, 25-liter "Ozark Trail Hiker Pack" backpack, which is sold at Walmart.
- A "Thriller" Stuck on Buffer: Tapper's coverage reflected the frustration of a case where, despite the high-profile nature, information was slow to materialize, leading to a "tight-lipped" approach from authorities.
- Ransom Hoax: It was confirmed that at least one person was charged with sending a fake ransom note, which was a "distraction" from the actual investigation.
- FBI Focus: The FBI increased its reward to $100,000 for information leading to a resolution. On the Ransom Notes: Tapper reported on the, at times, unverified messages demanding Bitcoin and the subsequent arrest of an individual for sending a fake threat.
- Law Enforcement: Tapper has regularly cited information from Pima County Sheriff Chris Nanos and the FBI.





