Friday, December 30, 2022

Says I

From 1938, The Devil With The Devil by Larry Clinton, featuring Ford Leary on vocals.
 

Music and lyric credits go to Clinton.

Here comes the devil!
Oh, here comes the devil!
Oh, here comes the devil!

Oh, the devil with the devil says I!

Shhh!

Look out for the devil!
Look out for the devil!
Look out for the devil!

Oh, the devil with the devil says I!

You’re so afraid of Ol’ Man Satan
Now why don’t you stop your hesitatin’
You’re gonna be a long time dead so
The devil with the devil says I!

You’re always giving me the Dickens
Tellin’ me that life’s no easy pickin’s
But just as long as I have fun why
The devil with the devil says I!

You can have your social teas and
Bingo for your fun
But the things I like to do you’ll
Stop 
Me 
One by one

Now even if you make me stronger
That ain’t gonna make me live no longer
So even if I go to (Shhhh!)
The devil with the devil says I!

Look out for the devil! Look out for the devil!

Oh, the devil with the devil says I!

Friday, December 23, 2022

Thursday, December 15, 2022

The Sociopath Class

São Paulo, Brazil - The view from Paraisópolis on the left is almost as enhanced by Morumbi on the right as the view from Morumbi is enhanced by Paraisópolis

Between 1923 and 1924, the Fascist state removed 27,000 railway workers (15 percent of the total employees) and made arrangements to dismiss a further 13,000 and to curtail sick leave. -- From The Capital Order by Clara Mattei, 2022 (my italics)

As I'm reading Clara Mattei's The Capital Order, the history of how neoclassical economists invented the governmental strategy of austerity following the first World War 100 years ago as a way of staving off the threat of the global spread of socialism and thereby securing the, by no means assured, future of capitalism indefinitely, I am experiencing a keen sense of familiarity (as the author intended). 

Mattei reconstructs the sequence of events.  Capitalism gets much of  Europe embroiled in world war. By conventional wisdom which sounds terribly familiar, the virtues of the free market were expected to devise profitable ways out of the conflict.   In a now familiar pattern, it was demonstrated that in this time of scarcity, the profit motive of industrialists could not be marshaled to behave to the benefit of anyone but industrialists resulting in the manufacture of shoddy equipment made at low wages and sold for high prices, threatening social welfare and the public good across the capitalist world, resulting not only in inadequate materiel, but inflation, poverty for the masses and good times only for the industrialists. In response to the crisis, for the first time since the dominance of capitalism in the 18th century, states across Europe commandeered the reins of industry, raising wages, providing safety nets for workers both at work and at home including among many other novelties, governmental supply of daycare to women entering the workforce in large numbers. Following the war,  the now demonstrated ability of the state to intervene in the economy on a massive scale in ways that produced successes and booms that capitalism had failed on its own to produce (even against a backdrop of the spread of worker's revolutions to the east and the growing power and solidarity of labor everywhere else) inspired a brief, minor burgeoning of the welfare state. Mattei catalogs a worker's dream of programs and innovations that appeared within a brief window following the armistice: universal suffrage, rising wages, unemployment benefits, adult education, worker's councils, guaranteed health care, wealth redistribution and anti-poverty programs. demands for worker control of production. This was a period largely lost to History since those in charge of it forgot to record it.

All of this was about to change forever in short order, thanks to ideas fomented in two little remembered international economic conferences, one in Brussels in 1920,  the other in Genoa in 1922 out of which emerged strategies for stemming the spread of well-being and happiness among the lower classes at the expense of capital accumulation at the top.  Sensing the slip of civilization toward the pole of commonality, the technocrats at the Brussels and Genoa conferences devised rationales and strategies for governments to seize back the space opening up to public ownership of the means of production and a restructuring of the order of social relations as a means of restoring the wisdom of the market.  Happiness it seemed was possible only by virtue of politics.  To reign in profligate spending on human welfare, the "science" of economics commanded governments to impose measures of misery in three depoliticized realms:  Fiscal (low taxes for business, high taxes for workers; government budget and department cuts; entitlement and social welfare cuts), Industrial (eg privatization, wage reduction, benefit reduction, hour increases), and Monetary (the painful return to the gold standard,  the imposition of high interest rates by independent central banks, inflation management, budget balancing v deficit spending to keep the paper currency in circulation to a minimum leaving more for capitalists to invest.)  

Characterizing the conclusions that came out of the Brussels and Genoa conferences, Mattei quotes Hannah Arendt:

The search for the best form of government reveals itself to be the search for the best government for philosophers”—the people doing the search—“which turns out to be the governments in which philosophers have become the rulers of the city."

From the perspective of workers and the poor, the resurgence of state-prescribed austerity derailed progress as the freedom of solidarity was supplanted with the need of individuals to compete for jobs offered strictly on the boss’ terms.  For the capitalist class, it proved to be the magic formula that revived the zombie of capitalism. While austerity gained strong footholds across Europe and North America, Mattei’s study focuses on the UK and Italy. In the UK with a strong economy and a  milder degree of inequality between a numerous upper class and a less politicized working class, the capitalist reclaiming of the economic agenda was achieved mostly through upper class solidarity. In Italy, only recently united into a nationality,  with a much smaller elite that nevertheless was able to impose greater wealth inequality on a highly politicized working class, more extreme measures were required. This came in the form of the populist, originally socialist Benito Mussolini whose rise to power in 1922 was the blank slate on which austerity it turned out could be written.  The neoclassical economists who drew inspiration from the Brussels and Genoa conferences provided Mussolini with an animating spirit for his authoritarian fascism.  To British neoclassical economists (and their media outlet, The Economist magazine) Mussolini's fascism was applauded as brilliant for the unruly, child-like Italians.  The physical brutality of outright fascism would never fly in genteel Britain it could be agreed.  Conveniently, it didn't need to be. 

In both countries, economists won the day.  Taxes were eased for the wealthy,  while the limit for tax exemption was lowered to increase the number of working class taxpayers by 300% in one year in the UK.   Italy privatized rail, telephone, health insurance and the construction and management of motorways. It was therefore not profligate social spending but unfettered capitalism that was behind capitalism's next big crisis with the collapse of the stock market causing ripples across the world in ways that led to the rise of Mussolini's ally Hitler in Germany and the New Deal in the United States.  Roosevelt's aggressive response to the crisis was modeled on the prescriptions of John Maynard Keynes, an early austerity adopter who circumstances inspired to come around to advocate governmental intervention in the economy in the name of preserving capitalism for another day.  

For 30 years, in addition to less exploitation of the workforce, proportional tax rates for corporations and the wealthy and a more robust economy, Keynesian stimulation of the economy through social spending fueled a renaissance of public works and expansion of welfare for the sick, the old and the poor, resulting in the introduction of massively popular social programs which by the 1960's threatened to eclipse the original purpose of the New Deal which was cryogenic preservation of free market capitalism.  By the late 70's however, austerity was back-- first floated by a new type of Democrat in Jimmy Carter before it was enshrined by the neoliberal revolution of Reagan, Thatcher and free market economists out of such places as the University of Chicago in the US and Bocconi University in Italy.  

According to Mattei:

Economists modeled the market society as one in which all people, if sufficiently rational and virtuous, could potentially thrive. This seemingly emancipatory insight was actually among the most classist: social hierarchies were reflections of individual merit, meaning that those who weren’t at the top didn’t deserve to be.

Filtering everything through the lens of austerity became the signature of the "serious" politician or journalist.  It's why discussions about universal healthcare are programmed to terminate on the rhetorical question "How will we pay for it?" whatever answer is supplied.  It's also why any measure to provide savings to taxpayers is treated with more urgency than the crisis of the climate that promises to splinter the relevance of budget battles on the rocky shore of planetary catastrophe.  But concern for the future of life of earth is frivolous and profligate when it comes from the fancies of the young.  If there is a solution, the invisible hand of the free market will surely provide it.

When you hear Chuck Todd asking some faceless Republican Senator what he intends to do about the social security deficit or Joe Biden darkly hinting about what must be done about entitlements, when the ruling class acts in concert to put a stop to overworked union member's ability to strike for sick leave rather than forcing members of their own class to pony up, don't think of it as grownups asking hard questions and doing hard work for the good of the economy.  Think of it as the Sociopath Class maintaining the relations of the rest of us to itself.  The class that brought us Capitalism, Hierarchy, Organized Religion, Inequity, Inequality, Colonialism, Slavery, Race, Racism, Mass Incarceration, Thermonuclear War, Anthropogenic Climate Change also gave us Austerity for us, Squandering for themselves.

Many of them, particularly those who were born into the class, think of wealth as an identity and not as an injustice they perpetrate and perpetuate on society and the planet usually by availing themselves of the lucky accident of the circumstances of their birth.  Those who aspire to wealth as a life goal have objectively poor taste and character.  As an idly wealthy character in the first season of HBO's series The White Lotus says in response to the woke radicalism of his collegiate daughter,  "Nobody cedes their privilege." It's an echo of Martin Luther King's observation that "Privileged groups seldom give up their privileges voluntarily."  It's both a valid rationale for the sociopath class and a directive for the rest of us.


Tuesday, November 29, 2022

Do you remember?

On a bend of a quiet road in the furthest reaches of the most rural New Jersey exurbs of New York City circa 1962 (before 'exurb' was a word), twin boys toddle under a late summer sun in the green grass of their front yard under the watchful gaze of their mother.  I am one of those boys.  My brother thirteen is the other. My attention is on a toddlery activity.  Toy trucks or cars may have been involved, or perhaps just a hole being excavated with sticks or rocks.  Whatever it was was interrupted by the approach from across the street of the neighbor woman, in a dress as I recall -- the common uniform of housewives in those days.  "Say hello to Mrs Pelagidis," my mother must have said, which I must have done before turning back to whatever had been occupying me and my brother.  The play reached a stage at which my brother thirteen assumed controls of the equipment.  To entertain myself I turned to observe my mother and Mrs Pelagidis engaged in barely fathomable adult conversation.  My mother said something that caused Mrs P to laugh.  From my vantage close to the ground, I studied the course of the laugh, from the way it burst involuntarily out of  Mrs Pelagidis' red painted lips to the way her mouth reformed to a smile, to the way the smile faded.    I remember the thought in my head "How long until the smile from mommy's joke goes away?"

I've held onto that memory for 60 years.  I can revisit it at will-- not all of the details are still there, but the progress of that laugh has never decayed.  I remember clearly the shape of Mrs P's mouth, the red lips, the whiteness of the teeth that suddenly appeared as they parted reflexively to react to my mother's wittiness, the smile dimples punctuating her cheeks, and after the staccato burst of laughter had stopped, the glacially slow closing of the ruby painted lips ultimately concealing the teeth once again, the lingering tension at the corners of the mouth slowly relaxing long after the drollery that had started the process had been uttered.  Perhaps I'd watched the progress of a laugh more than once which is where that sociological question came from.  Not only do I remember the smile, but I have a lifetime of memories of remembering the smile.

My first week of Junior High School, my class got a tour of the school library.  It was a long sunlit room full of books and tables that took up about half of one side of the corridor of a recently added wing of the school called the 'Annex'.   "Does anyone know what 'annex' means?" the librarian asked.  Having searched the data storage in my head for a trace of the cool sounding word and come up blank, I scanned the faces of my classmates for evidence of anyone with the answer.  The fact that I remember the incident might be an indication that someone knew and that maybe it stung a little that the someone wasn't me.  I remember the librarian's clarification of the term: that an annex was an addition, joined onto a main existing structure.  News to me.  Interesting.  In any case, it stuck in my head that in 6th grade, the meaning of the word 'annex' had been beyond me.

Months later, bored out of my mind one day, I resorted to a reliable time-killer, looking through a drawer of saved artwork and writings from over the years and I came across plans I had drawn up 4 years earlier in second grade for building a robot from spare pieces lying around the house.  The memory of the ambition came back to me easily.  The design called for a bucket for the head, antennae for ears, a sheet of tin for the torso, wheels for feet, and remarkably, for a computer "annexed to the brain".  I stared at the word scrawled in pencil with an 8 year old's wobbly penmanship -- "ANNEXED".  Had I once (sort of) known the word but forgotten it?  What kind of kid knows the word "annexed"?   More importantly, where was it when I needed it for the library tour?   

Forgetting the right answer is unfortunately not as rare for me as I'd prefer it to be. This past weekend, we had guests over for pie and coffee.  The subject of the conversation somehow turned to concerts we'd attended over the years.  My wife recounted the incredible story of her parents having the foresight to take her brothers and her to see the Beatles in Memphis at the height of Beatlemania in 1966.  She recalled the unsettling sight of her mother screaming along with the teenyboppers.  Our guests recalled concerts they'd attended -- Snoop Dogg for one and Chuck Berry for another.  I struggled to come up with my own.  I remembered seeing Mott the Hoople once.  But that was almost sad in retrospect.  Struggling to come up with something more impressive, a faint notion tried to light some synapses in my brain: Hadn't my wife and I seen Talking Heads at Pine Knob in the Michigan suburbs for their Speaking in Tongues tour in 1983?  It felt like a good possibility, but somehow no matter how hard I tried I could not conjure the image of me and my wife in the audience of a Talking Heads concert.  "Did we see Talking Heads?" I tried to ask her over the cacophony of reminiscences of fondly remembered events.  She thought for a moment.  "Yes we did." she finally said, less than forcefully.  I awkwardly tried to leverage her agreement into my own contribution to the conversation, but before I could, it hit me: if I wasn't even sure I had been to the concert, what business did I have using it as a memory to finagle a point for my team in the one-up-manship contest?  How could I expect anyone to be impressed when I myself had not been impressed enough to remember it? 

This was not the first time I had had trouble confirming my presence at that Talking Heads concert in the suburbs of Detroit some 40 years ago.  It's not out of the question that that could be due to the ingestion of memory impairing substances preceding the event, but given my wife's hesitation, it's not clear to me that our notion of attendance at the concert wasn't formed from hearing about someone else's experience of it.  Even if we had been there-- and I don't rule it out*-- it could hardly be called a memory.   It's more like poorly constructed folklore.  The memory of something seems to be an important element of it having happened.  Something that evidence could prove happened to me but that I can't remember-- is it a question for history, or is it a zen koan?

My guests barely knew who the Talking Heads were anyway.

~~~~~~

* I don't rule it out even knowing that anyone who remembered it would insist that anyone who had been to that concert would have remembered it.  I am representing those who prove that it's possible to forget the unforgettable.  (and no one's fault if they do.)


Wednesday, November 23, 2022

The Frog's Eye and the Feedback Loop



On a sunny summer day, a Northern Leopard frog sits on a lily pad at the edge of a pond.  A beetle lands nearby and retracts its wings.  After a moment of stillness, it starts to crawl.  The frog, immobile to now, leaps on the beetle in a flash, scoops it into its mouth with its sticky tongue and swallows.  It returns to stillness.  Moments later, the shadow of a heron wading close by falls suddenly over the frog.  Before the heron has a chance to swoop in, the frog leaps toward a patch of darkness on the surface of the pond and escapes under the canopy of bobbing lily pads swimming for deeper water.  It is a simple sequence of interactions, facilitated by the frog's vision.

The eyes of a frog protrude from its head to a unique extent for any vertebrate.  They are relatively immobile, moving only as the frog moves its head.  Unlike human eyes which have a focal point that requires them to be directed at an object in order to see it, every surface of the frog's eye sees equally all at once, in light and, masterfully, in dark.  Even a frog's eyelids-- a top, a bottom and a third nictating eyelid that lubricates the eye when it is on land-- are transparent.  Moreover due to parallax effects of the placement of the eyes and their bulging shape a frog has nearly 360° of peripheral vision at all times.  Thus a frog is a vision machine, turned on whenever the frog is awake, and evidence suggests even when it's not. Frogs see color and as has been recently demonstrated can even distinguish between shades in what a human would consider complete darkness.  In fact, a frog's survival is very much dependent on what its eyes can perceive.  As one researcher put it, a frog "will starve to death surrounded by food if it is not moving." 

Our intuition about vision is that the eyes merely perceive the external world by transmitting images whole to the brain to interpret. But this is not the case for frogs.  

We know this because of a landmark study of frog vision by Jerome Lettvin, Humberto Maturana, W.S. McCulloch and Will Pitts, described in their paper, "What the frog's eye tells the frog's brain"  published in 1959 for the Proceedings of the Institute of Radio Engineers.  Lettvin a professor of electrical and bioengineering and communications physiology at MIT had met Pitts-- a self-taught wunderkind in math and logic from Detroit--  as a graduate student at University of Illinois. Lettvin, Pitts and their American colleague McCulloch were all researchers in the up and coming field of cybernetics, the study of the organization and control of systems biological and electronic, and especially the interaction between machines-- specifically computers-- and the humans who operate and interact with them. The term 'Cybernetics' was coined in 1947 from the Greek κυβερνήτης for "steersman" by Norbert Wiener and Arturo Rosenblueth, early pioneers in the field.  Wiener and his group at MIT were interested in studying components of systems (mechanical, organizational and biological) built to respond to problems organically encountered in the course of operation-- a class of engineering problem the solution to which promised a wide array of applications, not least the engineering  of what has come to be thought of as artificial intelligence.  The bedrock of cybernetics was the feedback loop, in which one part of a system provides input to a processor producing a response which in turn is intepreted by the originating component as instructions for what to provide next in the way of input.  

Ensconced at MIT following his graduate work, Lettvin had become interested in vision and the role it played in how creatures interact with the world. Maturana, a Chilean national completing his Ph.D. at Harvard at the same time had done electron microscopy of the hundreds of thousands of fibers in the frog's optic nerve and his results had inspired the method devised by the researchers for distinguishing classes of nerve bundles in order to intercept neural firings to get readings of responses to visual stimuli.

For the experiment which used the Northern Leopard frog (Rana pipiens) as subjects, electrodes were attached strategically to the optic nerve and to the superior colliculus-- the vision receptor of the brain.  Over the eye was mounted a specially constructed aluminum hemisphere on the surface of which were moved various objects of different shapes, sizes and colors by means of magnets in varying light.  In this way, readings could be taken of the frog's neural responses to the visual stimuli.  What the researchers discovered was that certain bundles of nerve fibers were prone to respond to specific categories of visual stimulus.  Contrast between contiguous areas of the visual field (distinction of an object from the area surrounding it) was detected by one type of bundle.  The movement of an edge on the plane evoked responses from another. The net curvature of an edge (the shape of much of a frog's diet) stimulated a third category of bundle. Another was sensitive to changes in degree of ambient darkness-- such as what might be caused by a descending shadow.  Each type of bundle transmitted a signature pattern of impulses to the brain at the introduction of its associated visual stimulus.  The researchers concluded that the optic system of the frog had evolved to detect specific features of the visual horizon in whole, and that far from being a passive camera scanning the environment for images for the brain to interpret was on its own detecting and sending information whole pre-interpreted for the brain for a hastened response-- capture and intake in the case of beetles, flight in the case of herons.  As Lettvin put it to a colleague, “The eye speaks to the brain in a language already highly organized and interpreted, instead of transmitting some more or less accurate copy of the distribution of light on the receptors.”

 We're told that Lettvin was laughed off the stage at American Physiology Society in Atlantic City when he presented the paper.  Walter Rosenblith, an MIT colleague and leading researcher in vision was so skeptical of Lettvin's results that he snubbed his colleague in assembling a meeting on vision shortly after the conference-- but on challenging Lettvin in his lab to demonstrate his methods, he was reportedly convinced.  The paper became among the most cited for at least the next ten years. 

One researcher inspired by it was Stafford Beer.   Beer was a British theorist, consultant and author in business management of a field that he called Operational Research.  Heavily influenced by the cybernetics of Norbert Wiener he had written for years about how the optimal structure of an organization should emulate the nervous system of an organism -- with tendrils into the environment-to-be-perceived and fed to a central brain for processing the data and quickly directing the limbs in how to respond to conditions at hand, but his focus had been on the structure of the midcentury corporation.  He had never had an opportunity to apply his theories on anything beyond a client company, let alone to a social movement, until he was approached by Fernando Flores, a young up-and-comer in Salvador Allende's coalition Socialist government that had been elected in Chile in November 1970.  

As a graduate student at the University of Illinois in the early 60s, Flores had been inspired by encounters with the cybernetics community headed  by Heinz von Foerster, director of the Biological Computer Laboratory.  Now working for Allende's government as an employee of  CORFO, the acronym for Chilean Production Development Corporation, Flores wanted a system cybernetically devised to permit rapid response to current conditions within the various economic sectors of the country.  To this end he hired Beer as consultant to engineer the project.  

Beer had been thinking for years about how to get around the persistent problem in pre-internet times of information lag.  Owing to the speed at which economic data was collected, typed up and published, information  gathered for strategic planning purposes was typically 3 months old before it was analyzed by decision makers, making the response frequently too late and irrelevant to the situation on the ground.  Given the international opposition to Allende's election immediately raised from the world's most powerful players economically and strategically,  opposition in the form of barriers of trade and blacklisting (to say nothing of the active plotting against Allende orchestrated and enabled from the Nixon administration and CIA, including the assassination of a pro-Allende General shortly after the 1970 election in an unsuccessful attempt to embolden anti-Allende factions in the military to prevent Allende's assumption of the office), Flores was wanting to devise for Chile something that did not exist at the time anywhere in the world except in the US and UK, and at that, still very much as more a set of ad hoc links set up between disparate technologies of a handful of universities than an integrated system.  

In a very real sense, Beer was tasked with creating an interconnected network-- an internet if you will-- from the ground up.  The project was dubbed Cybersyn (a portmanteau of Cybernetics and Synergy) in English and Synco (for Sistema de Información y Control) in Spanish.  Beer's original design called for links between the behemoth mainframes of the time strategically placed around Chile's challenging geography (4000 miles from North to South and only 60 miles from East to West.), but at the time only one was available for the project's use in the country, an IBM/3060 in Santiago-- and given the hostility of the international business community to Allende's socialist  government, likely to be the only for the foreseeable future. 

As Beer discovered, one thing that Chile had no shortage of at the time was Telexes, hundreds of which had been lying in storage since the project for which they were originally procured had been shelved by a previous administration.  The windfall permitted instant communication of data over great distances through telephone lines. Telexes were installed in strategic factories, farms and offices across the country.  To gather and process the information, Beer conceived of a "war room" of large-screen wall-mounted monitors fed with data and controlled by decision makers arranged in a circle to enhance the democratic spirit of collaboration in specially designed fiberglass chairs custom made in Chile per Beer's specifications. with simplified controls built into the arms giving each participant the ability to call up charts and relevant data from their respective sectors for group discussion.  The technology was new but the war room bore a certain resemblance to something out of Star Trek or Kubrick's 2001.  

With a middling economy that had historically underperformed, Chile was an unlikely place for an internet to be pioneered.  In devising a system to maintain Cybersyn beyond his involvement with the project, Beer took inspiration from the new theory of 'autopoiesis' describing the self-regeneration of biological -- and by extension, human designed-- systems that was developed in Chile by none other than Humberto Maturana with his colleague at University of Chile Francisco Varela.  Beer invited Maturana and the latter's University of Illinois mentor Heinz von Foerster to see the progress of the project and share thoughts and suggestions with the team.  Allende himself visited.  

The strikingly futuristic room was small and the heat generated from the cramped equipment and close quarters sometimes caused malfunctions, but the Cybersyn concept was given a test by a paralyzing national trucker strike joined by small business owners and shopkeepers in September 1972 (all of it instigated and funded covertly by Nixon and Kissinger's CIA as it turned out) to bring their foe Allende's economy to a halt.  As a test of Cybersyn's design and purpose, word from across the country was quickly brought to the war room via Telex. In this manner the team could rapidly determine where there were shortages, where there might be factories that Allende's government could nationalize.  In spite of the striking of the petit bourgeoisie, workers who were very much in the Allende camp assumed control of factories and with the help of the cybersyn team knew where to send goods and equipment to keep the country fed and supplied with essentials.  The strike which ended after 26 days was weathered successfully in part due to the part that Cybersyn played in mitigating stoppages and blockades.

A second strike of shopkeepers, professionals and Santiago taxi drivers in June 1973 (also enabled due to heavy CIA involvement) further destabilized the country.  On September 11, a violent military coup headed by General Augusto Pinochet seized control of the government.  In the course of events, Allende was killed at the Presidential Palace (by suicide a scientific autopsy much later appeared to confirm).  Stafford Beer was back in the UK at the time.  Fernando Flores,  who had met with Salvador Allende earlier that day was later arrested along with hundreds of Allende officials, imprisoned and subjected to the Pinochet regime's brutal brand of torture for 2 years before being released and forced into exile.* 

In spite of its early successes, Project Cybersyn's fate had already been somewhat sealed. In the face of growing economic and societal instability, intense right wing propaganda (and to some extent poor PR on the part of the Allende government), the project had come to be tarred as authoritarian overreach.  The taint of its association with Allende's moderate socialism all but guaranteed that it would be relegated to the dustbin of history by Pinochet's extreme right-wing coup.  Heavily backed by the US,  Chile became a laboratory for the austere economic policies of the University of Chicago school personified by Milton Friedman, an early testing ground for the neoliberal world order that would soon come to dominate and suffocate the global economic and political order. 

The public's introduction to Cybersyn was somewhat responsible for its demise.  To the Cybersyn team, Control didn't mean Authoritarian rule as was frequently misinterpreted to great effect by foes of Allende's project, but rather informed response to the best information.   In fact, when Stafford Beer was tasked to sell Salvador Allende on the plan, in explaining one of his famous charts of his Viable System Model of overlapping circles demonstrating the flow of information and control in a system in all directions, he was struck by Allende's characterization of the highest level of the hierarchy, the brain of the organism as being "por fin, el pueblo" (At last the people).  In the conception of the Cybersyn team, the fuel for the feedback loop was information transmitted, fully interpreted, by the specialized organ of the state's economy, the workers, to stimulate an informed response from a centralized decision-making organ acting to the benefit of the body politic.  Much like the eyes and brain of the frog.  


Georgios Cherouvim

_____
Inspired by material from Cybernetic Revolutionaries, by Eden Medina, MIT Press, 2011.

~~~~~~
* On his release, with the Pinochet government still in full swing, Flores, whose brainchild Project Cybersyn was, emigrated to the US where he took up residence at Stanford University. Finding himself present at the creation of Silicon Valley, he was able to ride the wave of the earliest internet bubbles to turn his experience and expertise in organizational logistics into a fortune-- ironically becoming an exponent of Silicon Valley libertarianism.  For Stafford Beer, Cybersyn was a point on the path of an opposite trajectory-- the one-time business consultant was turned into a committed socialist by his experience of Allende's Chile; and he continued to offer his services to cybernetic projects in Mexico, Venezuela and Uruguay.

Sunday, November 13, 2022

Solidarity When?

Late last week, I happened to be listening to a popular YouTube broadcast of the left when a listener from Florida called in hoping to make a point about how one of the "biggest obstacles to left-wing power in this country" was its "antagonistic relationship with working class people like me and what I believe is a racist anti-white culture within the left that is driving this antagonism "   He came prepared with a 2019 academic study from Colgate University and a personal anecdote to support his premise.  The Colgate Study measured attitudes of those who identified as either liberal or conservative toward a story about the life circumstances of man named Kevin who "lived in NYC, was raised by a single mom, struggled with poverty his whole life, and was currently receiving welfare assistance" but whose race was varied along with whether or not the subject was first given information to read about white privilege.  The researchers found that while conservatives seemed to look down on poor people of either race with or without the benefit of receiving information about white privilege, and liberals who were not first given information about white privilege expressed sympathy toward a poor man whether he was described as black or white,  self-identified liberals who had read about white privilege before hearing Kevin's story were more sympathetic to his present circumstances if he was described as black than if described as white, even to the point of blaming the white Kevin for his own poverty or agreeing with the proposition that "White people deserve to be poor in a kind of moral sense." 

As an illustration of the application of the study to his own experience, he related the story of how when he was a teenager in Florida in the 90s his single mother, working her way through school behind the cash register at a liquor store for little more than minimum wage unknowingly and absent-mindedly neglected to ask for an ID before selling a 6-pack of beer to a woman who turned out to be an underage undercover agent.  Weeks later, the lapse came back to her tenfold when the bust came down.  His mother was subsequently humiliatingly arrested on the job for it for which she was fired on the spot and "frog marched" out of the store to be charged.  Unable to raise bail she was jailed overnight without a chance to let her teenage son know where she was and what had happened to her. Saddled with legal expenses and court obligations for months and no longer on an income she was forced to go on public assistance.  The police and "by extension the lawmakers had nothing better to do with their time and taxpayer money than to publicly humiliate a poor white woman and drive her life into the ditch."  The caller used this as an example and not the worst of how poorly white people are treated by the police and yet at a leftist rallies he had attended  in support of Black Lives Matter following George Floyd's murder by police he had gotten the message that "poor whites have no skin in the game" and their struggles with the police did not matter.  As he told it, he was there in support and solidarity but came away from it disillusioned when one of the speakers reportedly said apropos of nothing that had been said before, "Poor white people, you all need to understand that your problems are not important right now" and then "went on to plug her small business."  The last part of his point was drowned out by one of the hosts mocking his sense of insult.   

Declarations of victimhood for being white have a tendency in leftist circles to raise suspicions along with eyebrows.  (Mine were raised.)  And of course as bad as poor people as a class have it at the hands of police, black people have it the worst .  But I think somewhere in there, the caller (who was not after all raining on a Black Lives Matter protest in progress, but merely trying to air his experience from one to illustrate an assertion on a leftist call-in show) had a valid point which I don't think he perfectly expressed-- not entirely through his own fault, although the responses he excited from the presenters of the broadcast which made it difficult for him to lay out his argument without protest may have to some extent made it for him. His framing of his mother's experience and of the results of the Colgate study as a case of anti-white racism, aside from doing him no favors with the audience he was addressing, is a mischaracterization of the problem that obfuscated matters, provoked a defensive response from the broadcasters and prevented the landing of what I think is actually a very important point.  

"There is without a doubt a class struggle but there is no white people's struggle." the host of the broadcast said accurately in support of his objection to the caller's story and it echoed my thoughts about the fault in the caller's presentation.  But to say that the caller's experience at the rally was an example of narcissistic extrapolation that has no bearing on leftist power seems to me to be missing the crux.  As the caller said, "If we're talking about winning power in this country, we need as many people on board as we can get so when the left alienates poor white people it's not just me the guy in the crowd who got his feelings hurt it's sort of a ripple effect."  Like it or not, and who the hell likes it, there is a problem building solidarity on the left (and has been at least since the time of Marx) which is very much exemplified by the readiness with which many poor whites are prepared to abandon class solidarity at the moment their own very real struggles are discounted by those who should be comrades due to the lack of a racial component to them (which if there is anything to the Colgate study seems to be the point of it).  The anomalous speaker at the George Floyd rally so hasty to draw a boundary of race on whose experiences were permitted to be brought to the table was tellingly a member of the black bourgeoisie according to the caller (or at least that was the perception) -- did she have skin in the poverty game?  Truthfully, how attuned to the pain and humiliations of poverty that doesn't fit the liberal mold are the hosts of the broadcast?  What the caller was talking about is the kind of pocketing of aggrievements that the left is lately so brilliant at festering and fostering but that only manipulators of the right seem to be capable of corralling to their own benefit.

In short, the left has a Solidarity problem.  It will not be solved by alienating anybody for deficiencies in their place on the hierarchy of grievances.  True, the gentleman's story had a huge element of subjective hurt to it.  Whose doesn't?  When someone tells you they are feeling excluded unfairly, believe them first.  Then defend them.  Then march forward together.

Monday, November 7, 2022

Democracy by Lot

If you've ever looked at the sad state of leadership in this (or any other) country and thought, "I could do better than that!", I agree.  You could do better than that, and if we lived in an actual democracy, you would have the opportunity to put your money where your mouth is.  But none of us who select our representatives by plurality from candidates put forth by nomination of a party do live in a true democracy, because the party system, for all of its advantages and conveniences in an ideal world is in practice a terribly undemocratic way to select our leaders.  Particularly in the land of Democracy, the un-democratic bully of the world, the United States.

Proof is all around us.  In the US, mid-term elections are tomorrow.  Already $2 billion has been spent from extra-partisan PACs-- a record for a non-presidential election made possible by a Supreme Court decision (Citizens United) in 2010 that essentially protected unlimited political donations from corporations as free speech.  The result is a cacophony of negativity dominating the interstices between segments of our news and entertainment programs-- a vile non-stop parade of one horrifying character assassination after another, each cancelling the other out; the winner being the PAC with the biggest pot for the most unavoidable pattern in the carpet.  In practice, this is not the PAC representing the broadest possible interests, but normally only the narrowest of interests on topics of primary concern particularly to the deepest pockets that keep them funded.   This is not to suggest that the negativity doesn't bleed into the news coverage as the conversation takes shape around the tropes that money would like us to pay attention to.  

As for voting itself, can it be trusted?  Is it fair?  Does it reflect our wishes?  For a variety of reasons, the waters are muddied now-- which is becoming true when elections are rigged and even when they are not.  Across the US, one of our parties -- the Republican one--  is actively in the process of dismantling and straitjacketing the possibility of free and fair elections.  Why?  In the name of securing "free and fair elections" which they define as elections in which Republicans (the party of the dominant oligarchic minority) win.  The assurance of this, sadly for the planet, for the people and for human rights, necessarily entails the suppression of democratic votes, which is achieved through a variety of measures such as limiting how and when votes can be cast-- e.g., only during working hours on a workday; the gerrymandering of districts to consolidate Republican voters and diffuse those most likely to vote for Democrats; requiring voter IDs, the procurement of which can be time consuming and costly for those that society keeps at the bottom of the economic ladder; and if that's not enough to deter them, legal harassment up to and including entrapment, prosecution and imprisonment for infractions of arcane very selectively enforced voter fraud ordinances.  In pursuit of a lock on voting procedures across the country Republicans have for years been actively and very successfully working to take over oversight of local elections state by state in their truly frighteningly effective way and they will succeed thanks to control of state legislatures and supreme courts even in the least expected places-- in moves that even if they are challenged are likely to stand thanks to a very partisan republican hold on the Supreme Court of the United States. But the sentiment that leaving democracy to the people is dangerous is not restricted to one party.  A strong contingent of neo-liberal democrats regularly work hand in hand with media concerns to undermine challenges from the more populist impulses from the fringes of the party and many openly advocate for a democracy of the meritocracy on the theory that the benefit of the wisdom of the deserving will trickle down to the unmeritorious masses. 

The net effect of this chaos at the voting booth and control of the ballot and of the outcomes is that this neoliberal ideal of democracy by elites is to a great extent the reality,  See how great it's working?  It is no wonder that so many don't vote (for which the elites are thankful), and that even those of us who vote in hopes of preventing the worst outcome rarely get anything more from the process than severe anxiety and justifiable dread about the direction our country is taking.

There is a solution.  It's called sortition-- democracy by lot.  Let elections be decided not by money but by fate.  In short, what if we elected our leaders from among each and every one of us not by majority or plurality vote for a handful of names offered by parties, but from among all the members of the citizenry by a certified random selection process. We are already familiar with the concept of this from our jury system in which we are periodically selected for duty by lottery (based on certain qualifying criteria).  What I am talking about is rule by citizens  (among whom could very well at any time be you or me) selected by a chance process. The practice, still trotted out these days from time to time for special purposes such as "citizens' commissions" in Europe in particular, was more widespread in ancient times particularly in Greece, and from renaissance times in Italy -- Florence, Lombardy and Venice specifically-- but candidates were generally selected from only among land owning males.  Nothing about the notion requires that however, and of course here and there it was designed to take the fullest advantage of its most appealing potential attribute, inclusivity.  Most charmingly, according to Wikipedia, "Local government in parts of Tamil Nadu such as the village of Uttiramerur traditionally used a system known as kuda-olai where the names of candidates for the village committee were written on palm leaves and put into a pot and pulled out by a child."  I'd be in favor of something like that in this country-- but only if the names in the pot were from everyone in the community.  

How does this work?  The procedures for it require that eligibility for selection be agreed upon and that the method for selection be transparent and accepted.  Both of these simple requirements are opportunities for disagreement.  On the matter of transparently random selection, I have ideas of my own but am open to suggestion.  On the contentious matter of eligibility, several possibilities present themselves.  There will no doubt be those in favor of restricting it to much the same class of people we are stuck with now at the top, much as the Greeks and Italians did.  Alternatively there is certainly something to be said for making it wide open and voluntary.  Volunteering oneself for the possibility of being selected is no guarantee of being selected, so opportunities and incentives for corruption are limited on this side of the equation. Even so, one can easily imagine restrictions and suppression on qualifications and the process of volunteering evolving to the point at which the self-selection of volunteers trends toward a homogeneous pool of names-- a situation which should be engineered against.    

For my part, for American democracy by sortition, I would advocate for true random selection from among the set of Everybody in the US, with the barest minimum of requirements for eligibility (age, opt outs based on special circumstances, a notion of who qualifies based on citizenship, for instance).  I would not exclude the incarcerated or the undocumented.  I would in fact be in favor of involuntary participation for all permanent  residents above the age of -- let's say 13-- and voluntary participation of non-permanent, but long-term current residents in the country.

What I am advocating is that for our representation in government, we pull random names out of a hat, such that you and I have just as much of a chance at running things for a change as Nancy Pelosi or Mitch McConnell.  The end of money in politics-- a cure for the corruption of campaign finance.  Random selection also means representational democracy--  a government that reflects the makeup of the population by every demographic, by all income levels, by social relations, by height, by weight, by interests, by musical taste, by eye color, by handedness.  Representation for all instead of just the 16,000 households (not mine, and none of them likely to be yours either) that the 2 parties currently represent, and who are already over-represented.  Aside from the abolishment of parties (Get Rid of Them!), I see no reason to tamper too much with the structure of our legislatures at this stage-- this is merely a fix for the selection process, which I would predict would in short order begin to result in a fix for the governing. 

And why stop at the legislature?  We should select the president (or perhaps an executive committee), the cabinet, our judges from circuit court to supreme court the same way.  The terms for each  would be short and staggered so that at any time every branch of government would be run by fresh, perhaps hesitant and reluctant hands as well as by those who know the ropes but who will not be entrenched.  Would some of the selected suck at the job?  Yes! Would some take advantage of the opportunity to enrich themselves to the extent of dereliction of their duty to their fellow citizens?  Yes! Would many refuse to serve?  Yes!  And what's your point?  This is different from the current situation, how exactly?  The certainty that random selection will result in some bad apples or duds is why terms are short and do not repeat (already a vast improvement-- a fix-- of the current system in which incumbency advantages the worst of the lot to remain in place to suck indefinitely).  Is it worth it to ensure that our representatives truly represent us?  Yes! Yes! and Yes!  

I imagine we would naturally structure our civic education in a way that would prepare each of us to the extent of our abilities for the possibility of being selected to serve.  But this is hardly as important as the possibility for each of us that our raw ideas will be heard without being drowned out by money or prevented by corrupt control of the limited interests that partisan politics enable. The result I am convinced would be better, more representational government that is less bought, less professional and more creative in coming up with and implementing solutions for the real challenges that actually face all of us.  And as I have said elsewhere, the principles of sortition applied to government could also be applied to other troubled and troubling areas of our failed democracy: the military, the constabulary and industry for starters.  Imagine if instead of shouting into the darkness about crime for instance, you were for a brief period of time given some degree of charge over it as a randomly selected one-term officer of the peace.

I do not have time, patience or credentials to make a scholarly, bullet proof case for the practice.  I present this to you merely in an effort to get the concept before you.  I am convinced that this quite obvious cure for democracy will never make it past this blog post.  But you can't blame a guy for trying.



Friday, October 28, 2022

In Spite of Ourselves

Viagra Boys present a cover of John Prine's In Spite of Ourselves featuring Amy Taylor:


The song was written for the 2001 Billy Bob Thornton Southern Gothic comedy-drama Daddy & Me, screenplay and mise en scène by Thornton and starring Thornton, Laura Dern, Brenda Blethyn and Andy Griffith with Prine in a supporting role.  Originally recorded for the closing credits by Prine and Iris DeMent, both were seen performing the song Live from Sessions At West 54th in the same year:


Bonus fun: Amy Taylor performing Hertz with her usual gig Amyl and the Sniffers.


Saturday, October 22, 2022

Proxy Wars

Getty Images

At the start of Putin's war on Ukraine in February, President Joe Biden made telling statements that revealed the attitude of the US toward the impending invasion of Russia's neighbors to the West -- a conflict undertaken on the part of Russia to assert its dominance over a country and people that outside of a few pockets had exhibited a troubling tendency-- openly and clandestinely encouraged by US and other Western alliance officials and operatives-- to list westward in its orientation for most of its independence from the Soviet Union in 1992 while Russia, in contrast, was increasingly marginalized.  The day that Russia invaded Ukraine, Biden explained gratuitously that sanctions imposed on Russia prior to its invasion were not intended to prevent the war but to send a message to those most hurt by them, not the oligarchs or those planning for the invasion but the Russian people, that Putin by being the cause of the sanctions was the cause of their misery.  The war was not a thing the US was determined to avoid -- it was the point.  

"For God’s sake, this man cannot remain in power," Biden said of Putin in remarks in Poland a month into the Russian president's war against neighboring Ukraine over the latter's suppression of pro-Russian factions in the Donbas region and its stated intentions to join NATO.  As an opinion, Biden's remarks are unremarkable, but as executive of the American project, his thoughts are the seeds of history.  As it turned out they were more intemperate than the national security establishment was prepared for and had to be walked back in an op-ed column signed by the president in the New York Times Many Americans I'm sure share the sentiment as Biden originally expressed it-- I've had it myself once or twice.  But why Putin and not Netanyahu or Muhammad bin Salman?  The answer is obvious considering the sameness of US national security apparatus objectives at least since the end of World War II-- because Israel and Saudi Arabia do not threaten or reject the dominance of America and its closest  and most similar European allies over global affairs like Putin and Russia do.

Is Ukraine fighting a proxy war against Russia for the US and its NATO allies?  Since at least 2015 the CIA has trained Ukrainian special forces in undisclosed locations of the south -- not southern Ukraine, but Southern USA--  on countering a Russian invasion.  Is this evidence of incredible foresight or has something else been going on?  

To Ukrainians and Russians immiserated by it, the war is immediate and real.  To the US military and diplomatic apparatus which did little to prevent it and has done virtually nothing to try to bring it to an end, it is a boon to munitions suppliers and military advisers, whose bread and butter for once comes without a cost of American lives, and therefore with even less friction than usual from the yard sign contingent.  If Russia won quickly as many in the American establishment claimed to believe would happen or if Ukraine could muster a protracted resistance to drain Putin's treasury as long as possible, what did it matter to the US?  Considering the entrenched apparently unconditional involvement of American interests in Ukraine leading up to and since the February invasion, why does no one in the American national security establishment seem able to articulate what we envision as a satisfactory end of the conflict-- and why do so few Americans seem to care?

I wonder if others who have tried their hand at writing about the Ukraine war as critics (and not as journalists) have like me struggled to get beneath the surface of what can be gleaned by the most carefully worded google searches, or discussed at high volume at a depth of mere inches on 24 hours news channels, or pre-digested and regurgitated to us from the pages of newspapers and magazines and joked about on late night talk shows.  Do they know that Boris Johnson talked Volodymir Zelensky into abandoning productive peace talks with Russia mediated by Turkey in April in spite of a substantial list of agreed upon points reportedly because "Putin cannot be negotiated with, and the West isn’t ready for the war to end"?  Do they recall  US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin at the time those talks ended stated American objectives in Ukraine as being to prolong the war to the point of exhausting Russian conventional military capabilities? Are they aware that Amnesty International has reported that Ukraine is violating International humanitarian law by placing military installations in heavily populated civilian areas and launching attacks that endanger those populations from Russian artillery responses?    Are they aware that since April, 66 UN member nations representing most of the world's population have called on those involved to end the war; that events on the ground reflect Biden's off the cuff remarks and  contradict the words of his May editorial?  Are they aware that the narrative of the war is being cleansed in real time by those reporting on it (if it even breaks through the wall of what is officially allowed to be said)?  As Patrick Lawrence says in the Scheerpost essay linked to above:

All correspondents bring their politics with them... This is a natural thing, a good thing, an affirmation of their engaged, civic selves not at all to be regretted. The task is to manage your politics in accord with your professional responsibilities, the unique place correspondents occupy in public space. There can be no confusing journalism and activism. You do your best to keep your biases, political proclivities, prejudices... out of the files you send your foreign desk.... We are not getting this from the Western correspondents reporting in Ukraine for mainstream media. You may associate the error of mistaking journalism for activism with independent publications, and ... [i]t happens. The truth here is that almost all mainstream journalists reporting from Ukraine are guilty of this... They are effectively activists in the cause of the American national security state, its campaign against Russia, and Washington’s latter-day effort to defend its primacy.

Putin's war is unjust and brutal; ordinary Ukrainians have no choice but to raise resistance to it, and yet, the war could have been avoided, and failing that the US -- whose response has been to provide virtually unlimited and unconditional material and strategic support to Ukraine in the conduct of their resistance-- could have been and should now be engaged in efforts to bring the war to a conclusion. We should be skeptical of the motives of a national security apparatus that enables genocide in Yemen, cultivates repression in Haiti, ignores apartheid in Israel, sides with anti-democratic forces in country after country in Latin America, that is known to have trained and supported anti-Soviet forces in Afghanistan only to have to war against them 20 years later and in keeping with the pursuit of a hostile course intended to surround and economically isolate its former cold war adversary Russia, has had its fingers in Ukrainian affairs ever since that country's independence.  The fact that we are not yet actively engaged in hand to hand combat with Russians is not reason to unqualifiedly support our efforts materially or advisory in the present conflict.  While Russia's actions in Ukraine are a travesty and must be stopped, 1)  What exactly is the problem with proposing peace talks as a way to do that?; and 2) While waiting for the moment when negotiating for peace is actually ok to hope for, why should we not engage skepticism about the aims of US involvement and about the further extension East of  unlimited American hegemony?

Weaponizing Ukraine because we are not there is seen as the right thing to do when technically what we are doing is having Ukraine do our battle for us. Which is fine with Russia since they would rather kill Ukrainians as substitutes for us since there are few consequences risked than there would be killing Americans.  Similar wars take place daily online. Occasionally they spill over into the real world as when right cultish hecklers show up at town halls of congress people to voice histrionic opposition to votes taken or not taken.  But these are done for the cameras of social media and the effect they have is proxy flame wars online.

People fight each other on social media in place of making actual change.  This is an excellent way the system has devised to keep us on our asses in front of our computers at odds with each other instead of in the streets making noise together.  But while we are engaged online, we believe ourselves to be doing something.  Occasionally, in the cause of something bigger like Medicare for All, someone might urge others on line to tweet at a famous politician, preferably of the left, ideally of a squad in order to threaten them into action toward a long dreamed for policy change-- say a force of a vote on Medicate for All.  The tweet starts out as being about Medicare for All but rapidly degenerates into a battle between ostensible allies over tactics. Actions taken in the flesh and blood world are done for twitter ratios. 

AOC was publicly challenged on her votes to fund US military and advisory support of Ukraine and she needed to be, and her recent confronters at a town hall meeting in the Bronx had me with them until they mentioned the very problematic and non-voting ex-congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard (the opposite of a model of purity) as a counterpoint.  They turned out to be adherents of the very bizarre, necrophiliac cryptofascistic LaRouche movement. Why must everything nowadays be filtered through some sectarian lens?  Why must we establish our corners before we can even hope to come to common cause on issues that should be accumulating solidarity rather serving as prisms of our differences?  Why is so much effort on the left from every corner expended on how correctly the most progressive members of Congress behave, and not at all on those who will never behave?  I suspect it's because we are too close to a tipping point for the neoliberal order.  We thwart our own progress because we are terrified of success.

Not all proxy wars are bad.  Two climate activists in London startled the world by tomato souping Van Gogh's very pricy piece Sunflowers and then supergluing themselves to the National Gallery walls to protest Big oil production. What did Sunflowers have to do with anything?  As a solitary act it was shocking and seemed unnecessary. On the other hand, was it?  Compared to the crisis we are facing that no one seems to be doing anything about?  As a solitary act, a single world famous very expensive painting assaulted with tomato soup seems anomalous and paltry and unfair.  But imagine if this became a daily thing.  Imagine if painting after paintng, Guernica, the Mona Lisa, American Gothic, Whistler's Mother, Stuart's portrait of George Washington, preferably those in private collections-- every day a new familiar bauble were to be splashed.  Would capital start listening?

Friday, October 14, 2022

My intentions are good

Ten people asked me today, "How are you?"  Did you ever notice how many states are uncomfortable?  And I’m not talking Abalama.  But seriously, how often is the answer to the "How are you?" question, “Comfortable”.   How about itchy, sore, nervous, anxious, annoyed, hungry, full, hot, cold, tepid, bored, horny.  Because if you were comfortable you wouldn't have need of so many other words to describe your state.  In conversation, I find it best not to go down the road of truth if you don't enjoy the podium.*   So "Fine" is the only strategically prudent answer.

In truth, I haven't been myself lately.  Unless myself is a depressed malcontent.  In which case, I've been the same as usual. No one really wants to know the truth anyway. 

Why  is it that human interactions so rarely go well for me. Embarrassment, miscommunication, being taken advantage of, missed opportunity, infinite boring tangents, unsolicited lecturing. These are many of the most likely outcomes of almost any interaction-- even the most trivial interactions with people I've never met and will never see again.  It seems to me.  Am I right?  I'm always tempted to think I don't belong in public.  I have been told I'm reserved.  Could that be the problem?

Not like the public space is lacking anything on my account.  Although mask requirements (and even mask suggestions) are being lifted across the country and our president has declared the COVID crisis over, I'm still wearing a mask in public.  If I hadn't seen it with my own eyes, I would never have pegged me for the type.   'He's too self-conscious,' I would have thought.  'He'd rather not stick out.' Outside of major metropolitan areas (also known as germ incubators) I'm in fact more inclined to go with the flow which seems to be an embrace of masklessness, but on my own turf (a major metropolitan area) I surprise myself by not giving a fuck what other people think.  I fantasize about what I would say if I were bullied by some strange asshole who decided to be offended enough by my precaution to openly challenge me on mask-wearing.  I like the idea of pulling down the mask,  violently hacking in his face, and then politely explaining, "I have ebola."

You see, Jayden (for that's the name of the out-of-towner who confronts me about mask wearing in my fantasy), I don't wear a mask for political reasons.  I'm not a fan of performative gestures and that includes performative mask wearing to demonstrate your contempt for Trump as well as performative non-mask wearing to demonstrate your contempt for public health officials  (and I'm no great fan of either).  

True, I barely wear it for health reasons anymore anyway.  As it happens I discovered a comfort level, a commitment to the bubble in wearing a mask.  And part of the comfort is an absence of a need to explain it to anyone. Least of all Jayden.  People do suck.  How can they not see that.  If only they could see what I see they would realize that, the motherfuckers. If people only knew what dumasses they were being, Twitter would be a very quiet place.  The world would be beautiful.  And if people knew who to thank for suddenly being able to see their own dumassery you and I would get the thanks and appreciation we deserve.

I miss quarantine.  So maybe mask wearing for me is just one of my many out of date fashions.

~~~~

Post Script: I wrote this a while ago.  In the interim, a sore throat that had been bothering me for a few days prompted me to test myself for COVID.  Mask wearer though I am, I tested positive.  Trust me, if a masked vaxed hermit can get COVID when the COVID crisis is over, anyone can.

~~~~

* On the other hand, complaint is the stuff of inspiration for a compulsive blogger who has forced a monthly quota on himself.  Apologies.


Friday, October 7, 2022

Good grief

Hugging Faces' Stable Diffusion image of "Skyscraper rising over jungle 1950's paperback style"

Phil Johnson is a video producer at Vox who made a recent You Tube video on his personal channel called "I found the perfect metaphor for AI Art" that is getting some views.  The preponderance of videos on AI art are evangelistic demonstrations of its mushrooming proficiency, made by mostly enthusiastic embracers of it, and are presented-- with very little skepticism or curiosity (or certainly information) about the workings of it-- for the benefit of would-be users.  Phil Johnson's video is for the rest of us. The borrowed analogy referred to in the title, which Johnson sweetens with Dad humor, is to the history of lace making, a highly skilled and specialized human art form developed in 16th century Northern Europe, the practice of which was assumed in the Industrial Age almost entirely by machinery. In the process lace was transformed from a rare luxury commodity prized and enjoyed almost exclusively by the wealthiest to a material widely available and affordable to all with a loss of quality according to Johnson discernible only to the most careful observers.  

Let's set aside the possible objection that Johnson's characterization of the differences between machine-made and human-made lace as trivial is perhaps a bit too eagerly dismissive (and his acceptance of the coming analogous comparison of AI generated art to human art a bit hasty).  AI is expected by experts to be commandeering computer graphic design in very short order in a very similar fashion.  For the time being still the domain of highly skilled and talented humans, AI generated design, Johnson says will sooner than we think dominate the field of art, obviating the need for multitudes of highly trained professionals for what has until now been assumed by those not paying close attention to be an exclusively human function.

He then proposes that as with lace making, we prepare ourselves for the coming transition from almost exclusively human produced computer graphics to nearly complete domination of the field by computers by thinking of it as a process of Elizabeth Kubler Ross's Stages of Grief: First Denial (This can't be happening!),  then Anger (I'll be damned if this is happening!), Bargaining (I'll give you a dollar if this doesn't happen!), Depression (I guess no one but me cares that this is happening.) and finally, Acceptance (Oh well!).  If you think about it Johnson is urging Acceptance of the victim's death before the murder has happened.

I confess to some major skepticism about the capabilities that AI programs are exhibiting in the generation of original images.  Are we comfortable it's not just diffuse mechanized collage, if not plagiarism?  From my vantage given that they begin from phrases typed into a text box to the results of image searches presented in a graphically coherent meta-image I can’t get over the hump of thinking that even if I didn’t find it basically hideous to look at for the most part, it’s offensive to me that I'm basically being urged in the video to just accept that it is close to being “good enough” that there can be any sort of recovery of what is lost when it comes to dominate the visual aspect of what we produce and consume from now on.  Make no mistake, owing to simple economics combined with the dearth of imagination, will and character of those who commission art,  AI generated art (much of it as cheaply and thoughtfully made as Dollar Store lace) will become the dominant visual force whether we accept it or not.  And for that reason we will accept it due to inoculation by visual overload which will result in an erosion and atrophy of our will to fight it long before the opportunity to reject it has expired.  And then we’ll just wonder how our souls are being sucked, being no longer able to recognize the oppressive dissatisfaction of our visual yearnings in spite of the assault of artificiality of everything we look at.

Phil Johnson seems to be a journalist and it's tempting to take at face value that his voice is authoritative on the subject of the video.  And perhaps it is. Nevertheless it's easy to overlook the fact (a fact which is utterly absent from every corner of  the video) that acceptance is a choice.  It just happens to be the choice that the perpetrators of AI on the public would prefer we all make.

Proper skepticism here and here.

Thursday, September 29, 2022

Little Victories

Giorgia Meloni-- co-founding member of the Brothers of Italy, a far right nationalist, anti-immigation, traditional values party with fascist roots in the ultra-national groups she has been a member of since childhood, an admirer of Benito Mussolini and an exponent of replacement theory-- who is expected to soon become the next prime minister of Italy may not technically be a fascist if you are a stickler for these things. (According to the Italian observer at the link, she's more of a contemporary American Republican if you care to cull out a distinction from that).   But I could not help but be amused by Hillary Clinton's assessment of the prospect of Meloni-- a euro-sceptical, climate skeptical, anti-abortion, pro traditional family proponent-- as Prime Minister of Italy,  to wit: "Every time a woman is elected to head of state or government, that is a step forward."* 

The icing on the cake was seeing that Glenn Greenwald, in making a valid point critiquing EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyden's promise to sanction Italy if it elected Meloni democratically, prefaced his tweet with an utterly vapid characterization of Meloni's significance through an anodyne Clinton-esque lens of identity: "Italy is on the verge of an election that will result in its first-ever female Prime Minister."  He later took pleasure in a tweet mocking Clinton's clueless second wave feminist take by rubbing her face in how Meloni's politics threaten the neoliberal world Clinton helped make. Erstwhile leftists Jimmy "Force the Vote" Dore and Jackson "MAGA Communism" Hinkle likewise expressed their approval for Meloni on different grounds, anti-vax sympathies in the case of Dore and performative anti-globalism in Hinkle's case.  

Harbinger of neoliberalism's long overdue death though it may be, the prospect of Meloni deepening Europe's ultra-rightward drift is disheartening to me at best.  And yet, churl that I am, I do take a perverted pleasure in the way in which Dore, Hinkle, Greenwald and Clinton team up for a chorus of twisted amens about her ascent, and in the process offer an unsolicited, free quartet of rare glimpses into the usually well-hidden logical conclusions of their steadfast commitments to their latest stunted ideologies, schemes, compulsions and predilections.

Granted, I have filtered the foregoing through my own years long struggle to reconcile my gut dislike of all of the aforementioned with the dribs and drabs of their collective output (minus Hinkle) that has occasionally challenged me in the past even when they did not accidentally overlap with my own in enough particulars.  It was a clarifying moment for me though, in a week of clarifying moments.  

Another came in reading a review of Steve Bannon's favorite Putin influencer Aleksandr Dugin's latest book by an anti-globalist conservative eloquently articulating the reasons for his endorsement of Dugin's views on what the neoliberal order should be replaced with that gets at the heart of where I part with those who the aforementioned erstwhile leftists urge solidarity with in the project of finishing off our common foes.  In his very reasoned and meticulous analysis of Dugin's critique of Davos culture and transhumanist Big Tech, the author demonstrates to me how in making common cause with anti-globalist "populist" right movements to topple the neoliberal order, the left risks echoing the outcome of the red-brown alliance in Weimar Germany in 1933.  These people may want the same fate for the current power structure that we do, but in terms of what comes next, they are absolutely not the allies of any who want freedom for all from want, from repression, from a doomed future for the species and the planet and for all of us to be able to live our lives in peace to our full capacities and desires.†  We should not be tailing the masses being seduced into allowing if not outright supporting a worldview even more repressive (if possible) (and it is possible) than the one we are in.  We should be leading and encouraging people to support an entirely new world of all of our making.

Finally, a friend shared with me a post  I may not have seen otherwise by Cory Doctorow at pluralistic.net "Federalist Society v Corporate Personhood" that abounded in very relevant illuminating insights about left and right that I will carry with me and for a long time.  For starters, quoting a Raw Timber commenter named Frank Wilhoit (but apparently not that Francis Wilhoit):

Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect"

Another quote further on: 

Leftists have an ideology – Steven Brust says, "if you think human rights are more important than property rights, you're on the left; if you think property right are human rights, you're on the right – but the left understands this ideology as connected to, arising from, and mobilized by the material conditions of its adherents. 

 And another:

As Corey Robin writes in The Reactionary Mind, the goal of the right is to create hierarchies in which the "best people" get to boss everyone else around. Christian Dominionists want to put men in charge of women and children; libertarians want to put bosses in charge of workers, imperialists want to put America in charge of other countries, racists want to put white people in charge of racialized people.

And a pithy diagnosis of one of the recurring strains in the culture wars:

Racism is an ideology – a terrible one – but increases and decreases in racism track to material anxieties, not better argument. Trump didn't make your uncle into an obsessive racism hobbyist with brilliant logic. He did it by linking your uncle's material anxieties to racist explanations.

My pessimism about the future based on the prospects for meaningful change for the many given the maddeningly reactionary trending of our politics as characterized most recently by events in Italy is severe.  I have spent an inordinate amount of the past 2 and a half years  in fruitless search of a successor to the project of the defeated Sanders campaign and been frustrated again and again by the chaotic state of discourse on the left.  My recent readings have not changed any of that.  But I may have found something I've been missing for the most part-- some validation that my naive belief in a better world is based on a solid foundation.  I am an island in an ocean of quicksand.  But maybe I'm that much more confident in my perception that some of these loudest most repulsive voices on the ostensible left that have been threatening to completely disillusion and dismay me for the past couple of years are not providing the alternative they profess to be; that my reluctance to hop aboard their train isn’t as much about the steadfastness of my reluctance as it is about the shoddiness of their train.  Confirmation of this arriving in snippets from beyond my horizon gives me some small hope that somewhere out there beyond the noisy demoralizing distraction, I cannot be alone in wanting better.  It's not much, but it's something.


 ~~~~~

* By this logic it's the same reaction she would have had if in the alternate reality of 2008, Vice President Sarah Palin was inaugurated as the US's first woman president following the untimely death of President John McCain in that administration's second term.

† It did have some very good advice for any movement that wants to succeed in building solidarity to accomplish its goals: Resist the temptation (so prevalent in leftist discourse in particular these days) to fight.  Discuss instead.  My suspicion is that taking this to heart is not only the biggest obstacle we have to getting the future we want, but perhaps the surest way for the left to find out who its real enemies are and who its soldiers will be in the process.