Monday, April 29, 2024

Nätse Jummal / Kesköö

Ansambel Triskele sings an 18th Century Estonian folk hymn:


Estonian (Eesti Keel):

Nätse Jummal, siin ma rummal,
heida enda põlvile
henga rikmist too ma sinole.
Las’ hend’ löüdä, las’ hend’ löüdä
minost, kes ma patane.
Kae no jälle, minno pääle,
Issand ole armulik!
Sinno püvvä mina, mullatükk.
Las’ hend’ löüdä, las’ hend’ löüdä
ole mulle armulik.
Ei ma püvvä, ei ka nõvva
muud, kui sino halestust:
seda saa’ kel’ näütät armastust.
Las’ hend’ löüdä, las’ hend’ löüdä
sinost saa ma õnnistust.
Taiva selgus, henge valgus,
ilma-süütä voonaken!
Havvan heng käüp otsma peioken’.
Las’ hend’ löüdä, las’ hend’ löüdä
väkev Jummal-inemin’!
Issand, kuule, kui mu huule
valusaste laulva sull’.
Alandusel käüb mu matal hääl:
las hend löüdä, las’ hend’ löüdä
Jeesust himmostap mu meel!
Tühi kära, ilma vara,
lihahimo, au nink lust
saadap mulle vallu, kannatust.
Las’ hend’ löüdä, las’ hend’ löüdä
anna õiget valmistust. 

English (I've done my best):

Good God, kneeling down before you I am stupid,
Deliver me from corruption.
Let me find him , what a sinner I am.
Come on again, let's go
Lord have mercy!
That is me, piece of dirt.
Let him find me, let him find me
be kind to me.
I don't care, I don't care
for anything but your pity:
that's what you get when you show love.
Let him find me, let him find me
I will be blessed by you.
The clarity of the sky, the henge light,
darkness outside the window!
I run breathless to the window.
Let him find me, let him find me
mighty God-man!
Lord, hear my lips
it hurts to sing to you.
In humiliation my low voice goes:
let him find me, let him find me
My heart loves Jesus!
Empty noise, no property,
No lust for flesh, joyful thanks 
send me strength, patience.
Let him find me, let him find me
give me proper preparation.

~~~~~
As a bonus, another "folk hymn".  This one from 1970's Soviet Estonia.  Kesköö (Midnight), presented by Els Himma:


Kesköö:

Mõni hetk on nukrust täis
Ja ajab närvi mind –
Tundub justkui oleks keegi
Lihtsalt ära peitnud sind
Kui ma päeval viibin
Sinust eemal teiste seas
On mul siiski olla hea
Pole muremõtteid peas
Aga tõuseb kuu
Ja järsku värisen kui haab
Nagu mingi rumal hirm
Siis mu üle võimust saab

REFR.: Kesköö on see aeg
Pikk öö ootab eel
Kesköö on see aeg –
Uus päev kaugel veel...

Õhtutaeva kaar
On nagu apelsinilõik
Vaikses pargis särab tiik
Ja hinges mul on hästi kõik
Jälle oled kaugel...
Õnnetähte usun ma –
Tean ju küll, et iga hetk
Mu juures olla sa ei saa
Kuid siis koju pöördun
Varjud mustad juba maas
Minu järel sulgub uks
Lööb kell ja kartus algab taas

Midnight:

Some moments are full of sadness
And it makes me nervous -
It seems as if someone
Just didn't hide you
When I stay in the day
Away from you among others
I still have to be good
No worries in mind
But the moon rises
And suddenly I'm shaking like an aspen
Like some stupid fear
That I will be overpowered

REFR.: Midnight is the time
A long night awaits
Midnight is the time -
A new day is far away...

The arc of the evening sky
It's like an orange slice
A pond shines in a quiet park
And in my soul, everything is fine
You are far away again...
I believe in a lucky star -
I know that any moment
You can't be with me
But then I return home
The shadows are already black
The door closes behind me
The clock strikes and the fear begins again

Sunday, April 28, 2024

Patriots and Immigrants

Have you, like me, observed a disconnect between the student protests we're seeing on college campuses across the country against  Israel's genocide of Palestinians in Gaza and against the investiture of their academic institutions in the munitions and policy industries that make the genocide possible and the response of those universities and the mainstream media to the protests as though they were contextless outpourings of a burgeoning anti-semitism among college and university students?  Considering that the organizers and participants in these demonstrations are to a great extent Jewish themselves, you would be forgiven for thinking that something else is going on with the response of the elites.  And you  would not be wrong.  What we are seeing, specifically, is cowardice.  Those college presidents who are across the board involving local constabularies and militias to strongarm and clampdown on what have started out as peaceful protests are performing a sleight of hand to try to distract you from their suppression of their student's timeless impulse to apply their growing knowledge of the world's injustices to a plea for something different, and an assault on their right to say it.  The attention of these presidents to what is happening on their campuses is selective.  By tradition, they’re modeling their concern to the specifications of the biggest pains in their ass; they’re proxying for the pains they can’t defeat, the pains that can ruin them (and probably still will regardless) and that have no doubt demanded the response that we're seeing, and they’re focusing their clampdowns on the gnats (they think) they can defeat who in any case can’t do shit about it.  It couldn’t be clearer how venal and cowardly the presidents are being.  I don't believe for a second that they have given a thought to what is right.  I don’t think it figures into the calculation.  I don’t think they care how they are coming across to anybody who isn’t the Lobby (thanks to which they are getting abundant support from a compliant media that is helpfully mis-seeing what is so plain to those of us who don't have AIPAC shouting into our ears.)  But the timidity of college and university presidents should not be a complete surprise.  It wasn’t long ago that 3 presidents who were visibly annoyed at the bullshit-- and clueless as to how to navigate it-- got taken down in the blink of an eye.

The shoddy conflation of condemnation of Israel's mass murder of Palestinian civilians who it deems collateral damage in the one-sided revenge war it is waging as a feeble pretext for its designs on the beachfront real estate of Gaza with antisemitism is merely one example of the belaboring that is increasingly required to maintain the fallacies of our neoliberal era and Israel and the West's colonial project in Palestine.  It feels as if the façade of lies that have masked the true workings of our institutions and the power elite that run them-- lies that we have obediently never questioned if never outright believed-- have been toppling one by one.  It's a wall of dominoes that has no end.  It’s hard to find a stopping place for a starting point.  Gaza is one example but our truly bizarre election of 2024 is another.   

I was thinking recently that in the US there are really 2 classes-- Patriots and Immigrants.  Patriots are the mostly white, male, Anglo, Christian colonists (and their womenfolk) who think they are the inheritors and guardians of the American mission.  The American revolution was a bit of theatre to establish the US as something new, but it was really a continuation of what had been going on in Europe.  What was new was the birth of an elite that was not beholden to a nobility. The Patriots are the product and re-producers of that revolution.  As zealous adherents to a doctrine of their own exceptionalism, Patriots are particularly bad citizens of the world (case in point their adventurism in the third world; case in point their leadership in doing nothing about global warming other than making it worse; case in point their enabling of Israel's violence). 

The Immigrants is everybody else (including yours truly though the immigration that my forebears did was generations ago-- the immigrant can't be washed away by dropping babies on American soil; including also the descendants of those were immigrated against their will to supply free labor for the Patriots; including also those who were here before the Patriots came, whose ancestors' otherness exiled them before the Patriots established their foothold across the Atlantic from Europe with the help of their own colonizing genocide).  Some immigrants assimilate and fancy themselves Patriots and either serve the Patriots as constables or as military proxies for their adventures, and in some cases are allowed to assume Patriot identities for purposes of swelling the Patriot’s numbers.  But otherwise immigrants pollute America with nuance and foreign ideas and “enlightenment”.  They’ve been tolerated because they do supply the fodder and the reserve army of labor, but now that their number threatens the Patriot core we are starting to see some real unhinged bs from the Patriots.  

University presidents used to be Patriots but more and more they are Immigrants (and women-- the Columbia President is not just an Egyptian born British and American academic but a baroness who is on leave from the British House of Lords) -- but there is a large class of immigrants that have been fooling themselves into thinking they can merit inclusion in the Patriot class-- which I think has been “true enough” (meaning not true at all but not worth caring about from a Patriot perspective) but now that the immigrant meritocracy has infiltrated society I think we’re seeing it clash up against the Patriot core.

 Biden and Trump are both Patriots and in their doddering unstable persistence in clinging to the reins of power (and in their insistent preoccupation with Anti-Immigrant posturing), fitting symbols of that class's decrepitude.  The mission of the immigrants is to abandon the course of ascension by what the Patriot's would bestow on them as merit.  The response of the mostly immigrant class youth on our nations' campuses to the call to dissent in recent days is a hopeful sign of different days to come.  They can't get here soon enough.

Wednesday, April 17, 2024

Vote This Mess Around

I thought I knew what I was going to do when it came time to vote in my state primary this year. I live in a closed primary state so must vote in the democratic primary if I bother to vote at all.  After spending most of my adult life (since Bill Clinton's presidency at any rate) as a registered independent, I registered Democrat in 2016 to vote for Bernie Sanders.  I was happy to vote for Bernie in 2016, and in 2020, and I've remained a Democrat in hopes that I could vote for him again in 2024, but alas that was not to be.  Nevertheless on the theory of "Not Me. Us", in order to cast a protest against Biden's bid for re-election (just the latest Democratic Party example of what's wrong with this entrenched oligarchic duopoly and with electoral politics in general as practiced in this incredibly dysfunctional shambles of a country), I was content to vote for the 2024 challenger whose platform most closely adhered to Bernie's.  That would be Marianne Williamson for those who missed it.  Not a perfect substitute for Bernie by any means, just the only substitute-- and an adequate one.  

When Williamson suspended her campaign after dismally poor showings in the first 3 primary states (see my explanation here for why this was not a surprise), Michigan had not yet happened.  Before Michigan, as long as I had a preference, I saw no reason to consider changing my plans simply because my candidate stopped campaigning.  But in Michigan, the push for voters unhappy with Biden's continued support of Israel's slaughter of Gazans under a pretext of "war against Hamas" to vote for "Uncommitted" in the primary  registered enough votes (over 100,000 or 13%) to send two Uncommitted delegates out of 117 for the state to the Democratic convention, wildly exceeding anyone's expectations. It was the first alternative option to give Biden a run for his money in his party's primary.  Moreover, occurring as it did in a battleground state, it appeared to have had the demonstrable in-the-moment effect of changing the national conversation around Israel which to that point had been content to pretend that any dissent among rank-and-file Democrats toward Biden's support of Israel's assault on Gaza was not a threat to his re-election.

The question for me became, do I stick with my original plan to cast a rather ineffectual vote for Marianne Williamson's platform as a faint protest against Biden's re-election in spite of a lack of support congealing around her ?  Or do I sacrifice  the expression of a desire for a new direction for the country embodied in the rich multi-plank platform that Marianne Williamson is running on in order to join  a groundswell of support for voting "Uncommitted" for the single issue of Gaza?  Should my symbolism be an almost whimsical expression of my individual desires or should it reflect solidarity with a growing number of people on a single issue that I care deeply about-- and in a way that for a moment appeared to be making a difference?*  This remained the question even after Marianne Williamson, inspired by the success of "Uncommitted" in Michigan, unsuspended her campaign following Super Tuesday.  While I was never able to fully commit, I was leaning rather precariously toward solidarity.

And then something pissed me off.  It started with watching a fairly recent appearance of Marianne Williamson on Briahna Joy Gray's Bad Faith podcast, in which Gray sought Williamson's response to a rather unhinged rant against her by Norman Finkelstein on Sabby Sabs' show.  While Gray's selection of clips from the interview did not clarify Finkelstein's vehement and visceral objection to Marianne Williamson, Gray implied it had largely to do with Williamson's stance on Israel.  While she condemns Hamas's October 7 attack on Israeli civilians unlike Finkelstein (both deplore the violence, but Finkelstein, for well-explained reasons, refuses to condemn it) Williamson, like Finkelstein, has been for a permanent ceasefire in Gaza from the first day of Israel's response.  Finkelstein, like Williamson thinks a single state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian crisis is unachievable and that a two state solution must be sought to bring an end to the conflict.  (I, being a naïf, have not abandoned hope for a single-state solution.)  The distinction that makes the difference for Finkelstein appears to be in Williamson's hope for a place for Israel in whatever peace that comes.  In the interview with Briahna Joy Gray, Williamson refused to call herself a Zionist in spite of her preference for Israel to continue to exist.  But was this rather common attitude of Williamson's toward Israel (particularly for her and Finkelstein's generation)  the primary source of Finkelstein's rage against her?  While I share his anti-Zionism, I believe in Williamson's sincerity in the hope for peace between Israelis and Palestinians and forgive her honestly come-by feelings for the Israel of her imagination.

The snapping point for me came a few days later watching a podcast I was unfamiliar with of 2 rather pleased with themselves self-labeled dissidents in which they were commenting on another episode of Bad Faith-- this one a conversation between Gray and Finkelstein apparently from mid-October of last year in which the latter at the end of what appeared to have been a pleasant and fruitful conversation on the topic of Gaza ventured to offer an unsolicited opinion on Gray's apparent continued intention to vote for Marianne Williamson in her primary that he knew she would not like to hear.  Gray would not have it.  In trying to rush an end to the conversation before things got heated, Gray protested that she could not understand why anyone would have problems with someone voting for Marianne Williamson in the Democratic primary and Cornel West in the General Election.  She did not give Finkelstein space to explain himself, but the self-proclaimed dissidents discussing the incident by whose auspices I was watching the exchange between Finkelstein and Gray did not hesitate to conjecture that Finkelstein's objection (especially in light of events in Gaza)  was that Marianne Williamson was an unserious flake, a dilettante who didn't know a thing about Israel-Palestine let alone about winning a campaign and therefore must have been in it, as a disgruntled ex-staffer publicly surmised, just to sell books.  The glee of two self-styled "leftists" in dismissing Williamson as a valid prism for Gray's prerogative to use her primary vote as a protest while neglecting to advocate for anything to do instead was the smugness that may have pushed me over the edge.

Honestly, what is with the so-called left?  Everyone has a bitter, dismissive criticism, and no one has a vision.  When someone shows up who does, leftists fall over themselves to see who can be the most apathetic toward it.  No one bothers to explain themselves anymore.  No one bothers with persuasion.  Every correct position has an admission price of a priori knowledge of its correctness.  Everyone agrees that electoral politics is bad, but almost no one concludes that something needs to be done about it, other than abandoning it to the wolves.  This isn't even about Marianne Williamson anymore.  It's about what is the plan for our immediate future.

There’s a theory that things like patriotism, nationalism, fundamentalism, racism, sexism, etc. etc. etc. are lizard things lying around waiting to be exploited by lords and chancellors and what not who use them to appeal to splinters of society to keep society in splinters which is how they get and hold power.  Donald Trump for instance is quite adept at this tactic. Once splintered by these things it’s very hard to get people back into the whole. But it can be done by finding common causes.  Bernie Sanders was uncommonly good at this.  I don’t know if people really appreciate what Bernie Sanders did-- my guess is he didn’t fully appreciate it either.  It was just easy and natural for him when he needed it to be.  The secret is that we always need it to be.   Even those splintered people.  Their vision of themselves is busted, it’s filtered down into a very narrow beleaguered fragment of humanity where they see the people on the immediate outside of their small warrens as threats and the very distant and removed people who keep them and other like warrens fragmented from their neighbors as their only hope.

Those purists on the “left” who exclusively obsess themselves and try to obsess you with the flaws of Marianne Williamson and Bernie and AOC and Sam Seder and &c  while totally ignoring / downplaying / promoting the dysfunctions of Donald Trump, MTG, MAGA, Jimmy Dore, Alex Jones -- it’s not like they’re always wrong those motherfuckers.  The issue I have with them is that they can’t do nuance or gray or rethinking / parsing / analysis.  It can’t be the case, for them, that both Bernie Sanders betrayed the left (which I do not believe but just for the sake of argument) and that Donald Trump is not the alternative.  It can’t be the case that Bernie Sanders betrayed the left but a person can be on your side and disagree with you about that.  It can’t be the case that when it came to the general election Bernie thought Joe Biden was a lesser evil worth supporting over Trump and that Bernie should have won the primary anyway.   This is what makes them so annoying.  It’s a virtuous obtuseness.  I have noticed recently that when someone bumps into me accidentally my first thought is, “They must be so embarrassed that they didn’t know I was in their way.” But 9 times out of 10 when I bump into someone accidentally their first thought is, “Watch where you’re going!”  Maybe people are just naturally too stupid and selfish to form solidarities!  But that’s what’s so extra annoying about those motherfuckers who think their purity (“You bumped into me!  I didn’t bump into you!”) is itself a virtue.

As for what I'm doing in the primary?  None of your business!

~~~~~

* In the meantime, while Biden's support of Israel continues to weaken his already feeble case for re-election, the Democrats seem to have saturated their capacity to learn from the "Uncommited" vote and in any case to have absorbed whatever power it might have once had into its rationale for staying the course in Israel.

Sunday, April 14, 2024

De-Growth as Class War?

Planetary Boundaries (Graphic by Azote for Stockholm Resilience Centre)

Researchers at the University of Washington have begun testing a geoengineering solution to global warming called marine cloud brightening. It's a process by which sea water is collected and sprayed in a fine mist over the ocean on the theory that its microparticles will seed marine based clouds and increase the albedo of cloud cover and thus help to mitigate the effects of global warming, particularly over the ocean .  It's a long term proposition, but after initial skepticism on its proposal in 1990 by John Latham, a British physicist,  its time has come and it is now among the few and most promising attempts at engineering a global warming solution.

Meanwhile on the left front in the climate change battle, a fierce debate is underway between Green New Deal advocates and a theory propounded by the philosopher in ecology and political economy Kohei Saito and described in Capital in the Anthropocene, Saito's surprise 2020 bestseller in Japan that's recently been translated and published in the US as Slow Down,  that he dubs De-growth Communism.  The debate between the major players has been playing out in the left press, in articles in Jacobin and The Nation.

The antipathy that Green New Dealers and De-growthers have for each other's approaches is palpable.  In a recent conversation with his guest Matt Huber on the Left Reckoning podcast, David Griscom said of de-growth Marxism that it was kind of like "the 2010s all over again but with a bad slogan." By the 2010s Griscom is referring to failed post-Marxist politics à la the Podemos Party in Spain (i.e., leftist politics without labor; after a meteoric start among online leftists mid-decade, Podemos had fizzled out among voters by last summer's elections).  As for the bad slogan ("De-growth!"), Griscom has got a point.  For his part, Saito in his Nation article called the Green New Deal "the Opiate of the Masses"-- popular with politicians and the masses, but in its continued pursuit of growth in a rapidly depleting planet a dangerous distraction from the realities that we are facing.

In 2021's Climate Change as Class War, Matt Huber advocates for a multi-pronged approach to fighting climate change that entails implementation of the Green New Deal.  Huber is decidedly against degrowth as a strategy on the basis that in requiring a reduction in the  manner of living of an already beleaguered class it is austerity in sheep's clothing and for this reason a hard sell for working people.  Huber uses Marxist theory to promote an alternative.  Capitalism is seen as a necessary evil-- the origination of much of the technology that will ultimately be its own undoing at the point at which the working class seizes the means of production.  In the meantime, since capitalism has demonstrably missed every chance to save us from the climate crisis it has engendered, Huber sees labor as the historic force for change that can be organized and activated to force the current owning class to develop and adopt carbon reducing technologies particularly in the fueling of the economy.  Additionally, Huber sees a varied approach involving labor, alternate clean power sources such as wind, solar, hydro and nuclear.  In essence, after Marx, Huber sees capitalism as still having a role in combatting climate change (particularly being impelled by class self-interest through the eventual profitability of publicly seeded advances in clean technology for instance, and through coercion form the working class in the form of strikes and other actions to force capitalists to adopt clean technology) without requiring a reduction in the life style of the working class.

Saito on the other hand believes that for those enjoying what he calls an Imperial Mode of Living in the Global North-- i.e., one of comfort that is dependent on exploitation and deprivations of the Global South-- de-growth is not just morally desirable but a necessity if we are to meet the carbon reduction requirements determined by the projections of climate scientists.  To bolster his argument, Saito's own study of late Marxist writings draws the conclusion that contrary to the impression put forth by Marx's collaborator and posthumous editor, Friedrich Engels (a factory owner's son, Saito is eager to remind us) Marx, inspired by Russian peasant organizations and third-world agriculture had rejected historical and technological determinism in favor of a more de-growth friendly communism.  The conclusion is controversial, but as Saito describes it, in the transition to a society more amenable to a carbonless future, any losses experienced in the reduction in personal automobiles and the lifestyle to which we have become accustomed in the Global North, would be more than made up for by revisions of the capitalist lifestyle,  as in a shorter working week with no commute, and an increase in such "commons" as free access to healthcare, plentiful and free transportation, and a guaranteed basic income.  With production localized, scaled down and centered not on profit and growth and more and more things, but on people's needs, our lives according to Saito would naturally become more meaningful and more in tune with and  less punishing on the planet that nurtures us.

While Saito's work is based on a science of natural limits, Huber suggests (descriptively, not prescriptively) that the history of technology and resource management has shown time and again that limits while real are meant to be broken, either through the engineering of efficiencies, discovery of new resources (he suggests for instance that in this age, it's not unreasonable to think space might prove to be a frontier for the discovery of additional or alternative resources for those that that are dwindling on earth) or technologies for extracting earth bound resources (e.g., fracking).*  Marine cloud brightening could well be the latest example of the type of innovation and undertaking that capitalism is capable of enabling, albeit given the uncertainty of the connection of mitigation of anthropogenic climate change to a profit motive, it is rare.  It is therefore incumbent on workers to organize in order to influence the course that growth takes-- and specifically to mobilize for cleaner energy sources and regulation that protects workers and the environment while ensuring that the abundance made possible by labor and technology are equitably shared by those of the Global North with the Global South.

To Saito, this sort of thinking is "greenwashing"-- substituting a palatable political solution for the hard work that must be done to undo the impact of 300 years of Industrial Capitalism.  In Slow Down, Saito writes: 

Giving up on the wishful thinking of green economic growth entails making a series of hard choices. How serious are we about reducing carbon dioxide emissions? Who will shoulder the cost? What sort of reparations are we willing to make to the Global South for everything taken from it by the Imperial Mode of Living? What are we prepared to do about the additional environmental destruction caused by the very process of transitioning to a sustainable economy?

As I read this sort of entreaty though, I can't help but ask myself, "Who is we?"  To whom does de-growth appeal outside of a small group of earnest academics and concerned leftists comfortable enough to withstand some affliction in the name of saving the planet.  How does it happen if it must be left up to a thin band of powerless, albeit decent enough electric car owners and avid recyclers of the professional managerial class?  The strength of the Green New Deal is its appeal to the power in numbers of the working class, to a theory of history and to the romanticism of a populist notion of change.  If only it could be married to the upheaval of a system whose engine is growth for growth's sake and replacement of it with a return to a cosmopolitanized 21st century commons centered around the simple fulfillment of needs across the globe.

How about a better slogan?

From The Green New Deal Is the Opiate of the Masses, Kohei Saito, The Nation.  According to Saito, thanks to our "Imperial Mode of Living" we in the Global North-- wealthy or not--  are in the top 20% above.

~~~~~~

 * Techno-optimism without the optimism?